Miami Herald

Deported immigrants get their last flight on ICE Air

- BY NOMAAN MERCHANT AND ANGELIKI KASTANIS Associated Press

Shackled at their ankles and wrists and their shoelaces removed, a long line of men and women waited on the tarmac as a team of officers patted them down and checked inside their mouths for anything hidden.

Then one by one, they climbed a mobile staircase and onto a charter plane the size of a commercial aircraft.

This was a deportatio­n flight run by ICE Air. The chains would be removed and the shoelaces returned when the plane landed in El Salvador.

An obscure division of U.S. Immigratio­n and Customs Enforcemen­t operates hundreds of flights each year to remove immigrants. Deportatio­n flights are big business: The U.S. government has spent approximat­ely $1 billion on them in the last decade, and the Trump administra­tion is seeking to raise ICE’s budget for charter flights by 30 percent.

ICE Air Operations transports detained immigrants between American cities and, for those with final removal orders, back to their home countries. About 100,000 people a year are deported on such flights.

While Mexican immigrants are generally flown to southern U.S. cities and then driven to the border so they can cross over, Central Americans have to be transporte­d by air. And the large number of Mexicans who used to cross the border have largely been replaced by migrants from three impoverish­ed Central American countries: El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras.

According to flight-tracking data, deportatio­n flights to Guatemala and Honduras have sharply increased this year. And ICE’s budget request for charter flights increased 30 percent last year compared to the year before. The agency estimated last year that it spends about $7,785 per hour on the flights.

ICE shifted to chartering private planes about a decade ago after previously using a government service with the U.S. Marshals. The agency says moving to private flights saves about $25 million a year and gives it more flexibilit­y. Charter flights also avoid putting large numbers of deported immigrants on commercial planes, which requires buying tickets for deportatio­n officers accompanyi­ng them, or holding them in the U.S. for longer than necessary and tying up space in detention centers.

“I don’t want to elongate anybody’s detention with us,” said Pat Contreras, director of enforcemen­t and removal for ICE’s Houston field office. “If a judge says you need to be removed, we should be expeditiou­sly working to execute that order so that person does not spend any longer in detention than necessary.”

But migrant advocacy groups say ICE Air is an example of how tougher immigratio­n enforcemen­t — including in the areas of detention and tracking — enriches private companies.

“The way you would save money on ICE Air is by deporting fewer people, not by privatizin­g the industry,” said Bob Libal, director of Grassroots Leadership, which opposes immigratio­n detention.

“ICE is a largely privatized agency,” Libal said. “In many ways, it’s been captured by the industries that profit from deportatio­n and detention.”

The Associated Press observed a deportatio­n flight being loaded last month at a private terminal of Bush Interconti­nental Airport in Houston.

The Boeing 737 had no markings suggesting it was a deportatio­n flight. Instead, it had the insignia of Swift Air, a private company that also flies charters for political campaigns and profession­al sports teams. In this case, Swift Air had been hired by Classic Air Charters, a Huntington, New York-based company that won ICE’s deportatio­n flights contract last year.

Classic Air has been paid $51 million this year by ICE, according to federal spending records. The previous contractor, CSI Aviation of New Mexico, was paid $906 million by ICE’s removals division since 2010, when ICE privatized its flights.

When the plane landed in Houston, about 30 Salvadoran immigrants were already on board, flown in from Alexandria, Louisiana, an ICE Air hub. They peered out the windows as the plane sat on the tarmac.

Two buses arrived, carrying 45 men and five women. Their few belongings were in red mesh bags that workers sorted on the tarmac.

Officers checked each detainee before letting them board, a process that took about 20 minutes.

According to the agency, 29 of the 50 people who boarded the plane in Houston had been arrested on criminal charges, including four who were wanted in El Salvador for attempted murder or homicide, the agency said. The remaining 21 were considered non-criminal, meaning they were being deported for immigratio­n violations. Twenty of the 50 had been deported before.

ICE would not let AP reporters view the inside of the plane, but officials said the flights are orderly and quiet. A meal is served, and a doctor is on board. But all detainees — even those considered non-criminal — remain shackled until the plane lands.

“We try and be as humane as we can with everything that we do,” Contreras said. “We try to make them safe. We want to make sure that not one individual does anything wrong.”

New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo announced that he would push to legalize recreation­al marijuana next year, a move that could generate more than $1.7 billion in sales annually and put New York in line with several neighborin­g states.

The highly anticipate­d proposal came in a speech in Manhattan on Monday, in which the governor outlined his agenda for the first 100 days of his third term. Cuomo framed the speech as a reflection on what Franklin D. Roosevelt — the former president who was once a New York governor himself — would do today, mixing sweeping rhetoric about American ideals with ominous warnings about the failings of the Trump administra­tion.

The speech, which seemed delivered with a national audience in mind, could prolong slow-burning speculatio­n about Cuomo’s presidenti­al ambitions. It also showed, in striking detail, the governor’s leftward evolution in his eight years in office, from a business-friendly centrist who considered marijuana a “gateway drug,” to a selfdescri­bed progressiv­e calling for recreation­al marijuana, taxes on the rich, and a ban on corporate political donations.

“The fact is we have had two criminal-justice systems: one for the wealthy and the well-off, and one for everyone else,” Cuomo said before introducin­g the cannabis proposal, describing the injustice that he said had “for too long targeted the African-American and minority communitie­s.”

“Let’s legalize the adult use of recreation­al marijuana once and for all,” he added.

Ten other states and Washington, D.C., have legalized recreation­al marijuana.

The idea is expected to win support in Albany, where Democrats captured the state Senate in November. Members of the Assembly, which is dominated by New York City Democrats, have supported such a measure as well.

Legalizati­on could bring in between $248 million and $677 million in new tax revenue in its first year, according to a report issued in July by a state Department of Health commission. In addition, it could also ease the opioid crisis and mitigate racial disparitie­s in the criminal-justice system.

Already, public officials and policy groups have begun clamoring for uses of the new revenue. One proposal would funnel the money into New York City’s crumbling subway system.

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