Miami Herald

Leader’s ouster puts Peru’s anti-corruption drive in doubt

- BY CHRISTINE ARMARIO AND FRANKLIN BRICENO

When Peru’s legislatur­e voted President Martin Vizcarra from office this week, they may have done more than just oust a popular leader — they likely put the country’s best chance at making a dent on endemic corruption on hold.

The chief of state had emerged as the country’s most vocal proponent in pushing through measures to end decades of dirty politics. Vizcarra dissolved Congress last year after lawmakers repeatedly stonewalle­d efforts to curb graft and reform the judiciary. More recently, he tried to get rid of their right to parliament­ary immunity.

He may not have succeeded in pushing through major change — and is now under scrutiny for his own possible misconduct — but many Peruvians saw Vizcarra as the leader of a still nascent drive to hold the powerful accountabl­e. Furious at his removal Monday, thousands have taken to the streets daily in protest, refusing to recognize the new government.

“From the political point of view, he was the face of the resistance,” said Alonso Gurmendi Dunkelberg, an analyst and assistant professor at Peru’s Universida­d del Pacifico. “I think we will not see much anti-corruption efforts in this Congress.”

In a region where graft is common, Peru has gone further than most Latin American countries in recent years in investigat­ing highrankin­g leaders.

Every former living president is being probed or has been charged on corruption charges. All but one has been tied to the massive Odebrecht scandal, in which the Brazilian constructi­on giant has admitted to doling out millions in bribes in exchange for public works contracts. The other, strongman Alberto Fujimori, is serving a 25-year sentence for human rights abuses, corruption and sanctionin­g death squads during his 1990-2000 administra­tion.

And those are the just the cases involving heads of state.

As Vizcarra took the stand in his defense Monday, he pointed out that 68 lawmakers are currently facing their own investigat­ions on accusation­s ranging from money laundering to homicide. The country’s newly appointed president, Manuel Merino, has himself been questioned for possible nepotism in the awarding of $55,000 in state contracts given to his mother and two siblings while he was a legislator, though he denies wrongdoing.

“Will they also have to leave their jobs because of that?” Vizcarra asked.

The hypocrisy wasn’t lost on scores of Peruvians who have demonstrat­ed in the days since to protest Vizcarra’s removal under a vague measure dating back to the 19th century that allows the powerful Congress to remove a president for “permanent moral incapacity.” Lawmakers accused him of taking over $630,000 in bribes in exchange for two constructi­on contracts while serving as governor of a small province in southern Peru.

Vizcarra denied the accusation­s and he has not been charged, though he agreed to step down, saying he didn’t want to further aggravate the country’s already precarious stability. Peru has experience­d one of the world’s worst virus outbreaks and has the highest per capita COVID-19 mortality rate of any country in the globe.

Some blame a weak system of political parties in which Peruvians elect lawmakers from a confusing list of little-known candidates, many of whom have no experience. Analysts also believe Peru’s generous parliament­ary immunity encourages bad apples to run.

A survey by Proetica, the Peruvian chapter of Transparen­cy Internatio­nal, found that of 40 cases brought by the Supreme Court from 2006 to 2019 calling for lawmakers’ immunity to be lifted to pursue possible charges, only six were granted – indicating that those suspected of wrongdoing can often ward off prosecutio­n.

“Many lawmakers enter office already with investigat­ions,” said Samuel Rotta, the group’s director. “Many enter politics to access immunity.”

Though lawmakers accused Vizcarra of corruption in voting him out, many political analysts say the move was little more than a parliament­ary coup by legislator­s who feared the president’s acts would put their own careers in jeopardy.

“The odds that corruption reforms are going to go forward is very remote,” said Cynthia McClintock, a political science professor at George Washington University.

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