Woman with Florida ties is tangled up in spy drama and foiled coup
Yacsy Alexandra Álvarez Mirabel, a marketing specialist who owned a condo in Tampa, is in custody in Colombia amid allegations that she was involved in the plot to topple the Maduro regime in Venezuela. adelgado@elnuevoherald.com khall@mcclatchydc.com sdasgupta@mcclatchydc.com
The Maduro regime in Venezuela wants her extradited to face justice for a failed coup that was hatched in
South Florida. The Colombian government accuses her of being in cahoots with narcoterrorists. Her family describes Yacsy Alexandra Álvarez Mirabel as a nerdy marketing specialist caught up in events much larger than she ever could have imagined.
Álvarez is a mysterious, little-known player in the coup attempt, which was led by former U.S. special operations soldier Jordan Goudreau and his Florida security company, Silvercorp USA, and sought to topple Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro.
Confounding details of the escapade are trickling out months after it failed, leaving two ex-U.S. soldiers captured and jailed in Venezuela. Álvarez, who owned a modest condo in Tampa and incorporated a company there in April 2017, gave an exclusive telephone interview from a jail in Colombia, proclaiming her innocence.
“I am not a terrorist. I don’t have
anything to do with weapons, nor with military people. I am a humanist. I believe in human beings. I believe very much in God,” she said.
In video messages made months before her arrest in Colombia and obtained exclusively by the Miami Herald, el Nuevo Herald and their parent company, McClatchy, Álvarez insisted the Colombian government knew of the planned May coup, known as Operation Gideon.
She reports meeting with U.S. law-enforcement agents for three hours in mid-June, asking for protection and fearing for her life if she is sent back to her native Venezuela.
“I am very scared for my life because I know that the Venezuelan government, they are looking for me in Colombia and in Venezuela,” Álvarez said in one of five brief videos made in late June on a cellphone.
“In Colombia, they have been trying to reach friends [of mine] through phone calls and they have even been visited by policemen, Colombian policemen asking weird questions.”
In the later telephone interview, she said Venezuelan Interior Minister Jorge Rodríguez had announced he had separately sought her capture and sent two undercover special forces operatives to do just that.
Colombia announced her arrest on Sept. 3, a day after she was detained and exactly four months to the day after the Gideon operation came undone. The Colombian Embassy in Washington would not discuss Álvarez or Gideon details. The Colombian prosecutor trying her case there, Carlos Izquierdo, also declined to comment.
In the videos, Álvarez, 39, hardly looks the part of an insurgent fighter who went by the nickname
Alex, short for her middle name Alexandra. Dressed in a black t-shirt and her hair pulled back tight, she doesn’t stand much taller than 5 feet.
“In our family, we firmly believe in Yacsy’s innocence. We know who she is, how she was raised and the values she has. And we are totally convinced that she is not a spy, she is no weapon smuggler, and that she has no need to do any of that,” said Kristel Álvarez, her Tampa-based sister. “I believe she was not aware of what really was behind the people she was connected with.”
SPY OR NOT?
In newspapers across Latin America, Yacsy Álvarez has been labeled a Venezuelan spy.
“Who is Alex, Maduro’s multifaceted spy in Venezuela,” asked the headline on an Oct. 8 story about her in La Nación, one of the two leading dailies in Argentina. The article, like many in Colombia, cited unidentified intelligence sources.
Álvarez described herself in the interview as a religious person who thought she was helping humanitarian-aid efforts in Venezuela, and who cooperated with Colombian authorities for a month before her arrest, which she called a surprise.
“We had agreed to meet because I already had more than a month working with them,” she said, recounting that she had met with the FBI while in hiding in Colombia and had shared the same information that she had given to Colombia’s intelligence agency.
“I wasn’t then all that afraid because I thought they [Colombia] would protect me, because I had been asking them for protection.”
Profiles of Álvarez in Latin American media say she studied in Spain, worked briefly as a wedding-dress model and worked in marketing. Record searches show she has worked for multinational companies in Venezuela before joining a private energy company, Venoco, which did business with the state-owned oil monopoly PDVSA.
Her name appears on records for a modest condominium in Tampa, where her father and other family live in exile. Her background is in marketing, and most recently she has worked for a wealthy Venezuelan businessman with Miami ties, Franklin Durán, the owner of Venoco.
Durán, who could not be reached for comments, is himself an intriguing figure. He served a prison sentence in South Florida in 2008 for having been tied to a suitcase full of cash arriving in Argentina destined for the Argentine president through Miami connections and sent by the late Venezuelan strongman Hugo Chávez.
In cellphone communications shared exclusively with McClatchy and the Herald in October, there are hundreds of texts and chats between Goudreau and Álvarez. Colombian court documents say she filled key logistics and transportation roles for the Gideon operation. For instance, the texts show she coordinated and brought supplies and new recruits to the Colombian training camps.
Heavily infiltrated by Venezuelan moles, the Gideon operation ended in disaster. According to the exclusive telling of one of Gideon’s leaders, six insurgents were summarily executed by Venezuelan authorities and 49 more were captured and are now imprisoned, including two former U.S. special forces operatives, Luke Denman and Airan Berry.
DRUGS AND THUGS
The prosecution of Álvarez seems distinct from the politics of it. The legal case against her is built on the alleged illegal importation of a small quantity of guns and military garb in Colombia, a country accustomed to much larger seizures given its five decades of guerrilla movements.
She was singled out by President Iván Duque Márquez, who said in early
September that she was arrested along with other “criminals” trying to carry out operations of destabilization inside Colombia.
“These were people coming from Venezuela and were allegedly financed and promoted by the dictatorial regime of Nicolás Maduro,” Duque said in a news conference held at the time, appearing to suggest that she was a spy.
The capture came after an investigation conducted with the help of Homeland Security and the FBI established that the Venezuelans were planning “in Colombia destabilizing actions inside our territory that sought to delegitimize the institutions of the Colombian state,” National Police Director Óscar Atehortúa added in the same news conference.
Álvarez worked in Barranquilla, Colombia, with Cliver Alcalá, an exiled former Venezuelan major general and one of the Gideon planners, who surrendered on March 27 to Colombian authorities about five weeks before the May coup attempt. Alcalá was quickly extradited to the United States based on a sealed indictment in the Southern District of New York. His current whereabouts remain a mystery.
The DEA referred calls to the Justice Department, which did not answer multiple requests for comments. Alcalá, does not appear in the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ inmate locator, and the agency also did not answer multiple requests for an explanation.
Alcalá was not indicted on his own. He appears in a March 5 superseding indictment brought against Venezuelan leader Maduro that alleged Alcalá was part of a cabal of government officials involved in Venezuela’s Cartel de los Soles (Cartels of the Suns) in the international drug trade. The officials allegedly collected bribes to allow passage of drugs through Venezuela.
The indictment specifically alleges Alcalá was tasked with coordinating drug-trafficking activities with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), a Marxist guerrilla group considered by Washington to be a terrorist organization that has for decades funded itself via the drug trade.
Former Venezuelan spy chief Hugo Carvajal is also named in the indictment. He was held in Spain for extradition to the United States but vanished in late 2019. Reuters reported in late March that Carvajal has been negotiating a possible surrender to the United States to, like Alcalá, potentially cooperate in any prosecution of the Maduro regime.
The Treasury Department issued sanctions on Alcalá almost a decade ago under the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act, accusing him in 2011 of acting “for or on behalf” of FARC, “often in direct support of its narcotics and arms trafficking activities.”
Against that complicated backdrop, there are unanswered questions about how Álvarez and Goudreau came to be associated with Alcalá, who would seem an unlikely liberator.
WORK TIES
Álvarez’s job put her at the intersection of several players in the complex story. She worked for Venezuelan businessman Durán, who acknowledged being a close friend to Alcalá, and even helped the retired general financially.
In an interview with The Washington Post, the Venezuelan businessman said he at one point gave the retired general $5,000. “I was trying to help a friend who was short of cash,” he said. “When I saw him, every two or three months, I gave him something for his wife and child.”
Durán even asked Álvarez to help Alcalá, sources confirmed.
“Franklin is an old friend of Alcalá’s from many years back and on occasion he would ask Yacsy to pay [Alcala’s] utility and grocery bills in Colombia with funds deposited by Franklin,” said one person who is close to Álvarez and spoke on condition of anonymity, fearing reprisal.
Álvarez also assisted Alcalá in other errands and it is possible that she was asked to serve as the general’s translator when meeting with Goudreau, two sources said. Published reports in Colombia said that in the training camps she was sometimes called Alcalá’s niece.
Durán’s Venoco specializes in oil and lubricants. Álvarez helped operate Venoco’s company in Barranquilla, and public records show she also was a director for a Central American subsidiary of Venoco focused on Panama.
Besides being an interpreter for Goudreau, Álvarez had also incorporated a branch for his firm Silvercorp USA in Colombia, documents and text chats from Goudreau’s phone show. They also show her involvement in coordinating supply flights — hauling vests, steel plates, toolkits, uniforms and helmets — between Opa-locka and the Colombian training camps and escorting some of the men to the camps after they land in Colombia.
“In a way [sic] or another, we change the world,” Álvarez wrote to Goudreau in a text on Feb. 6 — one of her last messages found on Goudreau’s phone.
PUBLIC ENEMY
The idea behind Gideon was to dispatch a small group of invaders who would incite a popular rebellion against Maduro and install Juan Guaidó as the country’s president. The Herald and McClatchy previously reported that at least two Trump administration officials — one of whom, Andrew “Drew” Horn, worked in the office of Vice President Mike Pence— had allegedly met and encouraged the plotters.
At the time, a spokesperson for Pence told the Herald and McClatchy that the vice president does not know Horn.
But a profile photo on Horn’s Instagram account shows him posing at what appears to be a Christmas party with the vice president in 2019.
The State Department has offered no comment since issuing denials of involvement in the failed coup back in May.
The Álvarez videos allege a quid pro quo from the Colombian government, which she said allowed the coup planning to happen there in exchange for a promise to help fight the leftist narco-separatist group the National Liberation Army, known by its Spanish acronym ELN.
Álvarez specifically identifies Colombian President Duque and former President Alvaro Uribe as having knowledge of a secret meeting at a Marriott Hotel in Bogota where discussions included combating the ELN.
“They promised us three things in exchange. First of all they promised a runway so that we can land planes, and a place to train, a camp. And free crossing of the border between Colombia and Venezuela,” she said. “In exchange, we will fight against the ELN. I know this because I was the translator between Jordan Goudreau and Cliver Alcalá,.”
These three things are also mentioned in the lawsuit that Goudreau filed in Florida against Juan Jose Rendon, the representative of Guaidó, the politician the Trump administration recognizes as the legitimate president of Venezuela.
A document from Colombia’s National Directorate of Intelligence suggests that the agency was aware of Álvarez’s activities there, reporting in early August that it was concerned about her safety or possible flight from the country since she hoped to travel clandestinely to Panama.