Miami Herald

Financial sanctions: Powerful tool pinches the purse strings of its targets

The United States is turning to sanctions to stem the tide of organized criminal groups and violence in gang-torn Haiti. So are Canada and the United Nations. Here’s why no one should want to make any sanctions list.

- BY JACQUELINE CHARLES jcharles@miamiheral­d.com

In Colombia, they call it “muerte civil,” civil death. In the United States, some lawyers prefer to call it purgatory, while others describe it as being closer to hell.

Getting blackliste­d by the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control carries criminal and civil penalties, both for those who have been designated for sanctions and for any U.S. citizen or U.S. permanent resident who dares to do business with any person or company that has been listed.

“You’re dealing with millions of dollars worth of fines [and] potential incarcer

ation. It’s a very serious set of infraction­s,” said Adam M. Smith, a former Treasury official and current partner at Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP in Washington, D.C. “The U.S. Attorney’s offices like in Southern District of Florida and Miami, main Justice in Washington, as well as agencies like the Treasury Department are going after people in very, very aggressive ways to find these violations. So there are serious risks”

Since 1995, Treasury has used the power of financial sanctions to cripple drug cartels in Colombia and Mexico, and most recently to pursue Russian oligarchs and Venezuelan­s associated with the regime of Nicolás Maduro.

Now they are going after Haitians who they believe are financiall­y supporting armed gangs that reportedly control more than 60% of the capital.

At least 1,448 people have been killed by gangs in Haiti since the beginning of this year; another 1,145 have been injured and

1,005 have been kidnapped, the United Nations has reported. In recent weeks, both the U.S and Canada have announced sanctions against members of the country’s political and economic elite, and the U.N. is currently assembling a panel of experts to decide which Haitians will make it onto its own sanctions list. The U.N. Security Council in October unanimousl­y approved an arms embargo and the first sanctions regime in five years for those who support gangs.

Canada has sanctioned a dozen people, including former President Michel Martelly, and has adopted the U.N. Security Council’s sanction against gang leader Jimmy “Barbecue” Cherizier, 45, who recently led a two-month blockade of Haiti’s main fuel terminal. Ottawa has decided to take the lead on sanctions in Haiti, and earlier this year raised the need to get tough with the alleged backers of armed gangs in discussion­s with the Biden administra­tion.

The U.S. Treasury Department has so far designated four new individual­s, all current and former senators who have been accused of drug traffickin­g and corruption. The U.S. had previously sanctioned Cherizier and two former members of then-President Jovenel Moïse’s administra­tion, Fednel Monchery, 59, and Joseph Pierre Richard Duplan, 52, for their alleged involvemen­t in a 2018 massacre in the La Saline neighborho­od of Port-au-Prince.

“Practicall­y speaking, if you’re sanctioned by [Treasury] you’re not going to be able to do anything with the U.S.,” said Barbara Llanes, a former federal prosecutor with the Justice Department. “You’re not going to be able to have a business in the U.S.; you’re not going to be able to have a bank account that’s active in any way in the U.S. You’re not going to be able to travel to the U.S.

“Obviously, those are serious implicatio­ns if you’re someone who has interest in the U.S. or family in the

U.S., or for whatever reason, wants to be in the U.S. or transact with U.S. entities.”

Here’s a primer on what U.S.. sanctions are, how they work and who can be targeted, based on interviews with Llanes and Smith, two experts. Smith previously worked as a sanctions official in the Obama administra­tion, while Llanes worked in the U.S. Embassy in Mexico. She now defends individual­s accused of white collar crimes as a partner with Gelber Schachter & Greenberg, P.A. in Miami.

WHO CAN BE SANCTIONED?

“The U.S. can sanction anyone it wants,” says Smith, “including U.S. citizens and persons in the United States.”

The constituti­onal protection­s that U.S. citizens and legal residents have doesn’t preclude sanctions, Smith said, it just means that there “is a lot more thought and concern” given to whether it’s worth pursuing. “But there’s no prohibitio­n or restrictio­n about sanctionin­g people in the United States,” he said.

The decision to place anyone on the Specially Designated Nationals And Blocked Persons List, is an inter-agency one, both Smith and Llanes said. And getting designated doesn’t mean you can’t be criminally charged. Sometimes both happen.

“Sometimes it’s the case that you can only sanction someone and there’s not enough to charge him criminally. But there are plenty of cases where you have criminal charges and sanctions,” Llanes said.

In some instances DOJ

may be building a criminal case and may ask Treasury to hold off on issuing a financial sanction because prosecutor­s don’t want to tip their hands.

“Usually there’s some coordinati­on or conversati­ons that happen between [Treasury] and the Department of Justice. And they also talk to the State Department .... because of course, there are diplomatic considerat­ions that have to be taken into account,” Llanes said.

GETTING OFF THE SANCTIONS LIST

Once sanctioned, a person has all accounts and assets such as properties frozen. Regaining access by getting off the list can be impossible in some cases, and challengin­g at best.

One way to get off the list is if the sanctions program disappears. The other two ways involve the courts and an administra­tion reconsider­ation in which Treasury, based on a petition by the applicant, makes a decision that the reasons that led to the designatio­n are no longer valid.

“You often see this in narcotics-traffickin­g sanctions where people are basically coming in from the cold saying, ‘I’m no longer working for that cartel, or for that narcotraff­icker, therefore the reason why I’m on the sanctions list should be removed’ and people get removed for that reason,” Smith said.

Llanes said individual­s who are sanctioned can file a petition with Treasury on their own or with the help of a lawyer. But one doesn’t always know the full extent of the informatio­n the government has.

“Those announceme­nts don’t detail everything that forms the basis of the determinat­ion that Treasury needs to issue the sanctions,” Llanes said. “So if you are someone who was trying to petition to get off of the sanctions list, it’s going to be very difficult for you to get off the list, because you have to make your petition without having complete informatio­n. [Treasury] will review the petition, but they may reject it.”

One issue individual­s taking this route often find is that it’s very hard getting any informatio­n from the U.S. government about the concerns that led to sanctions in the first place.

“That’s why I think a lot of people refer to it as sort of being in a type of purgatory because there isn’t that much visibility into the basis for the determinat­ion that leads to the sanction. And getting off the sanctions list is difficult,” Llanes said.

CHALLENGIN­G SANCTIONS IN COURT

The other way to be removed from a sanctions list is to sue in U.S. federal court. Smith said this is the most difficult route because the bar is very high for someone who has been sanctioned to demonstrat­e that Treasury got it wrong.

“The standard of evidence needed for OFAC to put someone on the list is very, very low,” said Smith, “which means that the deference that the courts give Treasury when they’re making a decision about whether or not someone was on the list is very, very high.”

But that doesn’t mean that placement on the list isn’t based on extensive research.

“The result is an often fairly lengthy memorandum, with exhibits of sort of primary sources demonstrat­ing why the person is being sanctioned,” Smith said.

The record, however, isn’t public and while a designated person or company can request the informatio­n, Treasury doesn’t have to turn it over. It can deem the informatio­n to be classified and can sanction someone solely on the basis of classified informatio­n.

Because a sanctioned person’s funds are frozen, Smith said any designated individual seeking to hire a lawyer will need Treasury authorizat­ion. Getting that “can be very hard to do and certainly a very lengthy process.”

“The whole idea of sanctionin­g somebody is to effectivel­y make them an economic pariah,” Smith added. “So the banking sector, credit cards, the real estate sector, all of that is off limits to parties who are sanctioned. Any transactio­n, any property that a sanctioned person has any interest in whatsoever effectivel­y is off limits.”

OPERATING UNDER SANCTIONS

In response to both the U.S. and Canadian sanctions, Haitian banks have been closing accounts of designated individual­s, fearing they could lose their correspond­ent banking relationsh­ips with U.S. and Canadian banks.

The human rights group Fondasyon Je Klere, or Eyes Wide Open Foundation, is recommendi­ng that the government name public prosecutor­s and investigat­ing judges specializi­ng in financial crime in the 18 jurisdicti­ons of the country to investigat­e those who have been designated.

The group is also asking the government adopt a resolution banning anyone who has been sanctioned, along with their family members, from participat­ing in upcoming elections until an investigat­ion has been completed.

Sanctions, Llanes said, make “it very, very difficult for someone to operate.”

“Pretty much everybody wants to stay away from entities and individual­s who have been sanctioned. And so it makes it very difficult for them to operate in anything other than cash,” she said, adding that in some cases people have no choice but to depend “on friends and family to help because they have no way of accessing their money, and it’s hard sometimes even for them to get jobs.”

 ?? RODRIGO ABD AP ?? Flanked by members of the G9 gang coalition, leader Jimmy Cherizier, aka Barbecue, right, talks to reporters near the perimeter wall that encloses Terminal Varreux, the fuel port in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, on Oct. 6, 2021. Since 1995, the U.S. Treasury has used the power of financial sanctions to cripple drug cartels in Colombia and Mexico, and most recently to pursue Russian oligarchs and Venezuelan­s associated with the regime of Nicolás Maduro. Now they are going after Haitians who they believe are financiall­y supporting armed gangs that reportedly control over 60% of the capital.
RODRIGO ABD AP Flanked by members of the G9 gang coalition, leader Jimmy Cherizier, aka Barbecue, right, talks to reporters near the perimeter wall that encloses Terminal Varreux, the fuel port in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, on Oct. 6, 2021. Since 1995, the U.S. Treasury has used the power of financial sanctions to cripple drug cartels in Colombia and Mexico, and most recently to pursue Russian oligarchs and Venezuelan­s associated with the regime of Nicolás Maduro. Now they are going after Haitians who they believe are financiall­y supporting armed gangs that reportedly control over 60% of the capital.

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