Miami Herald

How the Israel-Gaza protests could hurt the Democratic Party

- JEREMY W. PETERS NYT News Service

It’s a nightmare scenario for Democrats: Protesters disrupt their convention this summer; they clash with police; chaos seems to take hold.

It may not be imaginary. As protests over Israel’s war in the Gaza Strip continue to intensify, especially on college campuses, activists are preparing to be in Chicago this summer for the Democratic National Convention.

The very idea sends some Democrats back to 1968, when their convention, also in Chicago, was overshadow­ed by infighting and violence between police and anti-war protesters. Back then, many voters watching the nightly news got the impression that the party could not control its own delegates, never mind a country that was wrestling with an unpopular war.

Protests over the IsraelHama­s war could also complicate this year’s convention and the Democratic messaging for President Joe Biden, whom Republican­s have eagerly cast as too indulgent of chaos and disorder in American society. Last week, Fox News and other conservati­ve outlets repeatedly showed demonstrat­ions that made the country seem on the edge: New York’s Columbia

University sending in police to arrest students on campus; protesters shouting “Genocide!” at Biden at a campaign stop; demonstrat­ors chaining themselves to cars to block traffic, creating gridlock.

“The whole Republican message is: ‘The world is out of control, and Biden is not in command,’” said David Axelrod, the Democratic strategist and adviser to former President Barack Obama. “They will exploit any images of disorder to abet and support it.”

Certainly, there are difference­s between now and 1968, starting with how convention­s are run. They are much more tightly programmed, with fewer, if any, floor fights.

And the United States has a long, vibrant history of embracing raucous political protest, toward idealistic ends.

But the 1968 convention stamped Democrats with a legacy that is hard to shake.

The convention was preceded by the assassinat­ions of Robert Kennedy and the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. Hubert Humphrey had won the Democratic nomination after President Lyndon B. Johnson decided not to run, knowing he could not win.

Anti-war protests, too, had the country on edge. By the late 1960s, a majority of Americans were opposed to the Vietnam

War. But the anti-war movement had alienated many voters, as some demonstrat­ions became violent.

“A majority of Americans by 1968 were actually opposed to the war,” said David Greenberg, a professor of history and journalism at Rutgers University. “But they were even more opposed to the anti-war movement. Many anti-war protesters were peaceful, but many were not.”

Outside of the 1968 Democratic National Convention hall, protesters mocked the proceeding­s. Some threw red paint to simulate blood; others occupied major thoroughfa­res to shut down traffic. The Yippies nominated a pig for president.

When demonstrat­ors set up camp at a local park, police were called in. The ensuing violence shook the country and ultimately helped Richard Nixon win election.

What Americans took away from those scenes of police and protesters fighting in the streets was not that civil disobedien­ce was a healthy part of American democracy – but that they had had enough, said Timothy Naftali, who teaches public policy at Columbia University.

“It’s debatable whether they achieved anything other than ensuring Richard Nixon was reelected,” Naftali said.

The nightmare scenario for Democrats is a chaotic scene that resembles the 1968 convention.

“We’ve got a big antiwar movement, lots of tumult, a convention in Chicago. What could go wrong?” asked Axelrod, only half-jokingly.

For months, protesters have interrupte­d campaign events for Biden and other Democrats. They have glued their hands to a wall and disrupted speeches, including one at a highprofil­e fundraiser for Biden at Radio City Music Hall in Manhattan last month. At one point during that event, Obama challenged one heckler, admonishin­g, “You can’t just talk and not listen.”

He received a hearty round of applause.

Former President Donald Trump has never shied away from portraying his political adversarie­s as too coddling of unruly demonstrat­ors. During the 2020 campaign, Trump tried to cast himself in the tradition of Republican­s such as Nixon, who championed themselves as the guardians of law and order. Trump even declared himself as “your president of law and order.”

He was borrowing a page from the playbook of former President Ronald Reagan, who as governor of California ordered the National Guard in 1969 to disperse student demonstrat­ors at the University of California, Berkeley. That event, which became known as “Bloody Thursday,” led to more than 1,000 arrests as some 2,000 guard members moved in. And Reagan’s political stock rose.

What worked for Reagan may not for Republican­s today, if only because of Trump’s support for the rioters who assaulted the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.

“That really muddles what Republican­s were known for,” Naftali said.

 ?? HIROKO MASUIKE The New York Times ?? Demonstrat­ors take part in a protest in front of a fundraiser for President Joe Biden at Radio City Music Hall in New York City on March 28. A nightmare scenario for Democrats would be protesters’ disrupting the national convention, unleashing chaos.
HIROKO MASUIKE The New York Times Demonstrat­ors take part in a protest in front of a fundraiser for President Joe Biden at Radio City Music Hall in New York City on March 28. A nightmare scenario for Democrats would be protesters’ disrupting the national convention, unleashing chaos.

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