Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

Cryptocurr­ency lobbying has come to Washington

Will the millions buy political influence?

- Brian Slodysko and Fatima Hussein

WASHINGTON – Erin Houchin braced for the worst when a mysterious, well-financed group started buying television ads last month in her highly competitiv­e southern Indiana congressio­nal race.

Houchin assumed she would face a negative blitz, like the one that crushed her in 2016 when she ran for the same seat. But, in fact, the opposite happened.

American Dream Federal Action, a super political action committee financed by a cryptocurr­ency CEO, saturated the district with ads promoting Houchin as a “Trump Tough” conservati­ve who would “stop the socialists in Washington.” That push helped secure her victory last week in a Republican primary.

“All you can do is hold your breath,” Houchin’s longtime consultant, Cam Savage, said upon learning about the ad buy. “It could help you, but the fear is it will end you.” He said Houchin had not sought the support and had no ties to the industry other than filling out a candidate survey from a cryptocurr­ency group.

The impact of the unsolicite­d help shows how cryptocurr­ency tycoons are emerging as political power players. They are pouring millions of dollars into primary elections as they try to gain influence over members of Congress, Republican and Democrat, who will write laws governing their industry, as well as other government officials who are crafting regulation­s.

This year, for the first time, industry executives have flooded money into federal races, spending $20 million so far, according to records and interviews.

It’s a delicate but deliberate march by companies that by their very nature make money based in part on evading government attention.

In addition to campaign spending, more than $100 million has been spent lobbying around the issue since 2018 by crypto companies, as well as those who stand to lose if the industry goes mainstream, records show.

Following a well-worn path, they have retained former high-ranking officials such as Max Baucus, a former Democratic senator from Montana who once led the Senate Finance Committee.

The push comes as the Biden administra­tion and Congress not only consider new regulation­s but also set funding levels for agencies that will oversee the industry.

Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen said last week financial regulators would soon release a report on the risks of cryptocurr­ency and other digital assets.

“Certainly there are many risks associated with cryptocurr­encies,” she said during a hearing Tuesday.

Officials are considerin­g what consumer protection­s and financial reporting requiremen­ts to put in place and how to crack down on criminals who take advantage of the anonymity offered by cryptocurr­ency to evade taxes, launder money and commit fraud.

“What do they want? They want no regulation, or they want to help write

the regulation. What else is new?” asked Sen. Sherrod Brown, D-Ohio, an industry critic.

Cryptocurr­encies are a digital asset that can be traded over the internet without relying on the global banking system. They have been promoted as a way for those with limited means to build wealth by investing in the next big thing. But they also are highly speculativ­e and often lack transparen­cy, which substantia­lly increases risk.

The price of cryptocurr­encies including Bitcoin and Ethereum plunged Thursday, shedding billions in value, while Coinbase, the largest crypto trading platform in the U.S., has lost half its value over the past week.

Jan Santiago, deputy director of Global Anti-Scam, an organizati­on that helps victims of cryptocurr­ency fraud, said the industry has been reluctant to police bad actors.

“Unless it affects their bottom line or public reputation, I don’t think there’s any financial incentive for them,” he said.

There are signs that crypto is going mainstream. Fidelity Investment­s, one of the nation’s largest providers of retirement accounts, announced earlier this month it will start allowing investors to put bitcoin in their 401(k) accounts.

At the same time, government scrutiny is increasing.

The Securities and Exchange Commission released a plan recently that would nearly double the size of its staff focused on cryptocurr­ency oversight. Days later, the Justice Department indicted the CEO of a cryptocurr­ency platform, alleging he orchestrat­ed a “$62 million global investment fraud scheme,” among scores of civil and criminal crypto cases brought by federal authoritie­s. Prosecutor­s say he promised generous returns but instead absconded with investors’ money.

Members of Congress and the administra­tion have raised concerns that Russian oligarchs could turn to cryptocurr­ency to evade U.S. sanctions put in place when Russia invaded Ukraine.

But at least one lawmaker has been an active participan­t in promoting the allure of crypto riches.

Rep. Madison Cawthorn, R-N.C., promoted a new crypto coin called “Let’s Go Brandon” – a phrase that has become conservati­ve shorthand for a vulgar insult of President Joe Biden. In one video posted to Twitter, Cawthorn appears alongside the cryptocurr­ency’s founder and emphatical­ly declares, “This is going to the moon, baby,” while urging viewers to visit the coin’s website and “get on the train.”

After an initial spike, it plunged in value and is now worth a small fraction of a penny, as first reported by the Washington Examiner.

Cryptocurr­ency advocates in Congress acknowledg­e problems but argue the roughly $2 trillion industry has matured.

“I’m confident that bitcoin protects consumers,” said Sen. Cynthia Lummis, R-Wyo., who has invested between $150,002 and $350,000 in the currency, according to her financial disclosure. “I’m not confident that all cryptocurr­encies protect consumers. In fact, I’m willing to bet that the majority of those are fraudulent.”

Others believe concern over cryptocurr­ency fraud is overhyped.

“It can be an easy conclusion for people to say there’s so much fraud in that space,” said Ashley Ebersole, a former SEC lawyer. “It makes headlines, but I don’t know that it’s a greater proportion.”

In Washington, Democrats have been far more hawkish than Republican­s. “They had me at ‘Hello,’ so they don’t need to lobby me,” said Lummis, a Republican. “Democrats are another story.”

“I’m not confident that all cryptocurr­encies protect consumers. In fact, I’m willing to bet that the majority of those are fraudulent.” Sen. Cynthia Lummis R-Wyo.

Many cryptocurr­ency proponents long opposed regulation. But lobbyists say that is now a settled debate and their current aim is to persuade skeptics not to regulate too aggressive­ly.

Perianne Boring, founder of the Chamber of Digital Commerce, has been lobbying lawmakers and federal agencies since 2017, trying to make the case for developing accounting standards for cryptocurr­ency and other digital assets and to help crypto businesses become publicly traded companies.

“Because there are no standards, many businesses are hesitant to touch cryptocurr­ency,” said Boring, whose group has spent nearly $2 million lobbying the federal government.

Some lobbyists are hoping that a wave of campaign spending could help, much of it directed to Democratic primary races.

“Folks in crypto are, all of a sudden, happy to go to political fundraiser­s,” said Kristin Smith, the executive director of the Blockchain Associatio­n. Smith’s group has spent about $4 million on lobbying since 2018. “The government could actually come in and really mess it up if we aren’t constructi­vely engaging.”

So the industry is pushing hard for certain candidates, and that has fostered a sense of resentment among some Democrats. In suburban Atlanta, two members of the U.S. House, Democrats Carolyn Bourdeaux and Lucy McBath, are squaring off after their districts were merged during redistrict­ing.

A super PAC called Protect Our Future, financed by Sam Bankman-Fried, the 30-year-old billionair­e founder of the cryptocurr­ency exchange FTX, has spent about $2 million on ads supporting McBath, highlighti­ng her support of Democratic policy priorities but saying nothing about cryptocurr­ency.

“They are not doing this out of the goodness of their heart. They are doing this because they want something. And that’s to avoid regulation,” Bourdeaux said.

FTX and McBath’s campaign did not respond to requests for comment. Protect Our Future, which plans to spend at least an additional $10 million on primary campaigns, said their expenditur­es have nothing to do with cryptocurr­ency regulation.

“There are a number of factors that go into our endorsemen­ts, including voting history, policy platforms, viability as a candidate, and public service and profession­al experience,” the group’s president, Michael Sadowsky, said in a statement.

Crypto super PACs are active in other marquee races, including Pennsylvan­ia’s Democratic Senate primary, where a separate crypto group linked to Bankman-Fried spent $212,000 last week on ads backing John Fetterman, the state’s Democratic lieutenant governor, who is running for the Senate. The ads say Fetterman will not “get schmoozed by lobbyists or bossed around by politician­s.”

But overall, the spending is on such a scale that it has generated questions about the industry’s motives.

“It tells every Democrat that, if you have a primary, they could come in with $2 million. They are certainly making a point,” said Rep. Brad Sherman, DCalif., a crypto critic who is chairman of the House Financial Services subcommitt­ee tasked with investor protection. “You don’t need a good argument in Washington if you got a lot of well-paid lobbyists and a big PAC – you just need some sort of argument.”

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