Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

DEA revokes drug distributo­r’s license

Action in opioid crisis follows years of delay

- Joshua Goodman and Jim Mustian

The U.S. Drug Enforcemen­t Administra­tion stripped one of the nation’s largest drug distributo­rs of its license to sell highly addictive painkiller­s Friday after determinin­g it failed to flag thousands of suspicious orders at the height of the opioid crisis.

The action against Morris & Dickson Co. that threatens to put it out of business came two days after an Associated Press investigat­ion found the DEA allowed the company to keep shipping drugs for nearly four years after a judge recommende­d the harshest penalty for its “cavalier disregard” of rules aimed at preventing opioid abuse.

The DEA acknowledg­ed the time it took to issue its final decision was “longer than typical for the agency” but blamed Morris & Dickson in part for holding up the process by seeking delays due to the COVID-19 pandemic and its lengthy pursuit of a settlement that the agency said it had considered. The order becomes effective in 90 days, allowing more time to negotiate a settlement.

DEA Administra­tor Anne Milgram said in the 68-page order that Morris & Dickson failed to accept full responsibi­lity for its past actions, which included shipping 12,000 unusually large orders of opioids to pharmacies and hospitals between 2014 and 2018. During this time, the company filed just three suspicious order reports with the DEA.

Milgram specifically cited testimony of then-President Paul Dickson Sr. in 2019 that the company’s compliance program was “dang good” and he didn’t think a “single person has gotten hurt” by its drugs.

“Those statements from the president of a family-owned and operated company so strongly miss the point of the requiremen­ts of a DEA registrant,” she wrote.

“Its acceptance of responsibi­lity did not prove that it or its principals understand the full extent of their wrongdoing … and the potential harm it caused.”

Shreveport, Louisiana-based Morris & Dickson traces its roots to 1840, when its namesake founder arrived from Wales and placed an ad in a local newspaper selling medicines. It has since become the nation’s fourth-largest wholesale drug distributo­r, with $4 billion a year in revenue and nearly 600 employees serving pharmacies and hospitals in 29 states.

In a statement, the company said it has invested millions of dollars over the past few years to revamp its compliance systems and appeared to hold out hope for a settlement.

“Morris & Dickson is grateful to the DEA administra­tor for delaying the effective date of the order to allow time to settle these old issues,” it said. “We remain confident we can achieve an outcome that safeguards the supply chain for all of our healthcare partners and the communitie­s they serve.”

Morris & Dickson’s much larger competitor­s, a trio of pharmaceut­ical distributo­rs known as the Big Three, have already agreed to pay the federal government more than $1billion in fines and penalties to settle similar violations. Cardinal Health, Amerisourc­eBergen and McKesson also agreed to pay $21 billion over 18 years to resolve claims as part of a nationwide settlement.

While Morris & Dickson wasn’t the only drug distributo­r the DEA accused of fueling the opioid crisis, it was unique in its willingnes­s to challenge those accusation­s in the DEA’s administra­tive court.

In a scathing recommenda­tion in 2019, Administra­tive Law Judge Charles W. Dorman said Morris & Dickson’s argument that it has changed its ways was too little, too late.

Anything less than the most severe punishment, the judge said, “would communicat­e to DEA registrant­s that despite their transgress­ions, no matter how egregious, they will get a mere slap on the wrist and a second chance so long as they acknowledg­e their sins and vow to sin no more.”

But as the ensuing years passed, neither the Biden-nominated Milgram nor her two predecesso­rs took any enforcemen­t action. Past DEA officials told the AP such decisions usually take no more than two years.

As the pills kept flowing, Morris & Dickson attempted to stave off punishment, appealing directly to Milgram to order a reopening of the proceeding­s, arguing it would introduce new evidence showing it had implemente­d an “ideal” compliance program with the help of a consultant who is now secondin-command at the DEA, Louis Milione. The DEA said that Milione has recused himself from all agency business related to Morris & Dickson.

Milione retired from the DEA in 2017 after a 21-year career that included two years leading the division that controls the sale of highly addictive narcotics. Like dozens of colleagues in the DEA’s powerful but little-known Office of Diversion Control, he went to work as a consultant for some of the same companies he had been tasked with regulating.

Milione was hired by Morris & Dickson in 2018 as part of a $3 million contract and later testified that the company “spared no expense” to overhaul its compliance systems, cancel suspicious orders and send daily emails to the DEA spelling out its actions.

A footnote of the DEA’s order Friday said that since Milione returned to the DEA as principal deputy administra­tor in 2021, he has not had any contact with Milgram or other agency staff about the Morris & Dickson case due to his prior involvemen­t with the company.

Morris & Dickson’s “acceptance of responsibi­lity did not prove that it or its principals understand the full extent of their wrongdoing … and the potential harm it caused.” Anne Milgram Drug Enforcemen­t Administra­tion administra­tor, in the order revoking the company’s license

 ?? SUSAN WALSH/AP FILE ?? DEA Administra­tor Anne Milgram said in the 68-page order that Morris & Dickson failed to accept full responsibi­lity for its past actions, which included shipping 12,000 unusually large orders of opioids to pharmacies and hospitals between 2014 and 2018.
SUSAN WALSH/AP FILE DEA Administra­tor Anne Milgram said in the 68-page order that Morris & Dickson failed to accept full responsibi­lity for its past actions, which included shipping 12,000 unusually large orders of opioids to pharmacies and hospitals between 2014 and 2018.

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