Monterey Herald

Abortion clinics crossing state borders not always welcome

- By Kimberlee Kruesi, Sarah Rankin and Hilary Powell

The pastors smiled as they held the doors open, grabbing the hands of those who walked by and urging many to keep praying and to keep showing up. Some responded with a hug. A few grimaced as they squeezed past.

Shelley Koch, a longtime resident of southwest Virginia, had witnessed a similar scene many Sunday mornings after church services. On this day, however, it played out in a parking lot outside a modest government building in Bristol where officials had just advanced a proposal that threatens to tear apart the very fabric of her community.

For months, residents of the town have battled over whether clinics limited by strict anti-abortion laws in neighborin­g Tennessee, Kentucky and West Virginia should be allowed to continue to hop over the border and operate there. The proposal on the table, submitted by anti-abortion activists, was that they shouldn't. The local pastors were on hand to spread that message.

“We're trying to figure out what we do at this point,” said Koch, who supports abortion rights. “We're just on our heels all the time.”

The conflict is not unique to this border community, which boasts a spot where a person can stand in Virginia and Tennessee at the same time. Similar disputes have broken out across the country following the U.S. Supreme Court's decision to overturn the landmark 1973 decision establishi­ng a constituti­onal right to abortion.

As clinics have been forced to shutter in Republican-dominant states with strict abortion bans, some have relocated to cities and towns just over the border, in states with more liberal laws. The goal is to help women avoid traveling long distances. Yet

that effort does not always go smoothly: The politics of border towns and cities don't always align with those in their state capitals. They can be more socially conservati­ve, with residents who object to abortion on moral grounds.

Anti-abortion activists have tapped into that sentiment — in Virginia and elsewhere — and are proposing changes to zoning and other local ordinance laws to stop the clinics

from moving in. Since Roe was overturned, such local ordinances have been identified as a tool for officials to control where patients can get an abortion, advocates and legal experts say.

In Texas, even before Roe was overturned, more than 40 towns prohibited abortion services inside their city limits. That trend, led by anti-abortion activist Mark Lee Dickson, has since successful­ly spread to politicall­y conservati­ve towns in Iowa,

Louisiana, New Mexico, Nebraska and Ohio.

Under Roe, the high court had ruled that it was unconstitu­tional for state or local lawmakers to create any “substantia­l obstacle” to a patient seeking an abortion. That rule no longer exists.

While such local ordinance changes are no longer necessary in Texas, which now has one of the most restrictiv­e abortion laws in the country, Dickson says he and others will continue to pursue them in other states with liberal abortion statutes.

“We're going to keep on going forward and do everything that we can to protect life,” he said.

In New Mexico, which has one of the country's most liberal abortion access laws, activists in two counties and three cities in the eastern part of the state have successful­ly sought ordinance changes restrictin­g the procedure. Democratic officials have since proposed legislatio­n to ban them from interferin­g with abortion access.

In the college town of Carbondale, Illinois, a state where abortion remains widely accessible, anti-abortion activists have asked zoning officials to block future clinics from opening after two already operate in town. Thus far, they've been unsuccessf­ul.

Meanwhile, some of the states that have severely restricted abortion access are trying to make it harder for residents to end their pregnancie­s elsewhere. Employees at the University of Idaho who refer students to a clinic just 8 miles (13 kilometers) away in the liberal-leaning state of Washington could face felony charges under a recently passed state law.

Perhaps no other place so neatly encapsulat­es the issue as the twin cities of Bristol, Virginia, and Bristol, Tennessee. Before Roe, an abortion clinic had operated for decades in Bristol, Tennessee. After Roe, which triggered the Volunteer State's strict abortion law, the clinic hopped over the state line into Bristol, Virginia.

 ?? EARL NEIKIRK — THE ASSOCIATED PRESS ?? Anti-abortion signs are displayed outside Bristol Women's Health Clinic in Bristol, Va., on Feb. 23.
EARL NEIKIRK — THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Anti-abortion signs are displayed outside Bristol Women's Health Clinic in Bristol, Va., on Feb. 23.

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