New York Daily News

Why both parties are hugging Cuomo

A deliberate strategy is paying off

- BY HANK SHEINKOPF Sheinkopf is a political consultant.

There’s a strange phenomenon in New York this election year: Democrats and Republican­s across the state are clamoring to draw any possible connection with one man: Gov. Cuomo.

It’s not odd, of course, to see the governor featured prominentl­y in Democratic campaign literature throughout, including for Sens. Neil Breslin, Joseph Addabbo and David Valesky.

More surprising is the fact that he’s being invoked on the Republican side, including in more conservati­ve parts of upstate. Republican Sen. Mark Grisanti in Buffalo has used news footage of Cuomo praising his work; Republican Assemblyma­n Sean Hanna in Rochester, running for the Senate, has compared his bi-partisan working style to the governor; Republican Sen. Greg Ball touts his partnering with Cuomo to cut state spending.

Even Republican Deputy Majority Leader Tom Libous prominentl­y declares in his campaign ads that he works closely with Cuomo to get results for the people.

While politician­s have always sought endorsemen­ts from popular figures, this election cycle is unpreceden­ted for two reasons. First, Cuomo’s popularity is at historic levels, with a job performanc­e rating near 70%, including 73% among Democrats and a staggering 66% among Republican­s.

Second, Cuomo’s popularity is not a function of circumstan­ce, but the result of a concerted twoyear plan to reshape New York politics.

In retrospect, Cuomo’s theory and methodolog­y are clear. He watched years of dysfunctio­n and scandal in Albany and knew that no convention­al approach to governing would succeed. As attorney general, he would often say that governor was an “impossible job” given the Albany power dynamics and landscape.

Cuomo knew he had to find a way to break the Legislativ­e gridlock. He began by inviting in the unions that had long resisted reform, making them part of the process. He also knew that party label loyalty was quickly becoming a thing of the past and believed he could accelerate the decline. His campaign for governor branded him from the start an “independen­t Democrat.”

He told the Democratic Party in his nominating speech: “We are not first Democrats and Republican­s and independen­ts. We are first New Yorkers. And we must act that way now.” This was radical talk at a Democratic convention, but Cuomo was clear on where he was going.

This is more than opportunis­m. There’s something philosophi­cally important happening here. A disciple of Bill Clinton’s triangulat­ion and a son of Mario Cuomo’s liberalism, Cuomo has combined the two in a novel way.

Like his father, Cuomo genuinely believes in the role of activist government and has pursued and achieved landmark progressiv­e goals that resonated nationally. And where Clinton’s triangulat­ion would tack back and forth within a fairly narrow band of the American mainstream, Cuomo takes wider pendulum swings, going further right and further left.

On the left, we have a truly progressiv­e, graduated tax code, aggressive rent regulation and his signature marriage equality. On the right, we have a property tax cap (which former Gov. George Pataki couldn’t get done), balanced budgets and a tax cut of historic proportion­s.

This “broadband politics” approach leaves only the extreme left and right untouched.

But political leadership is more than a popular agenda; it is about personal characteri­stics and relationsh­ips, and Cuomo has proven himself remarkably capable of fostering a collegial “everyone wins” climate. Heaping praise on colleagues while developing friendship­s, he ensured that a long-criticized Legislatur­e was finally applauded. Things got done.

This political story is far from over. A stagnant economy and the prospect of his own re-election will present the governor with new challenges.

But without a doubt, he has already fundamenta­lly reshaped New York politics.

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