New York Daily News

Before he leaves office next month, Commission­er Bratton should reconsider ill-advised NYPD policy.

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Suddenly applying excessivel­y stringent reading of a decades-old state statute, the NYPD is denying New Yorkers access to the most basic informatio­n about disciplina­ry measures taken against cops. The lawyers who counseled the NYPD to stop the long routine disclosure of punishment outdid even attorneys for the Patrolmen’s Benevolent Associatio­n with an extraordin­ary interpreta­tion of the law.

Before he leaves office next month, Commission­er Bill Bratton must consider the implicatio­ns of the ill-founded legal advice the department has acted on.

For example, its logic commands the NYPD to maintain secrecy when officers are placed on modified duty — for example after a controvers­ial fatal shooting.

If the department is going to seal a paper listing of disciplina­ry actions, by all rights it should also stay mum about action taken against an officer who is the subject of intense public interest.

The NYPD began including disciplina­ry actions in so-called Personnel Orders, which also include informatio­n such as promotions and transfers.

The department posted the documents on a clipboard in the public informatio­n office, where the media regularly inspected it. The PBA did not complain then and has never complained.

Recently, however, a freedom of informatio­n request seeking disciplina­ry records focused the NYPD’s legal minds on the Personnel Orders. Out of the blue, they brought to bear section 50-a of the state Civil Rights Law.

Without a court order, that statute bars release of all “personnel records used to evaluate performanc­e toward continued employment or promotion” of cops, firefighte­rs and correction officers.

The department maintains that the Civil Rights Law covers the listing of disciplina­ry actions in the Personnel Orders. We differ as strenuousl­y as possible.

The state’s highest court has interprete­d this horribly drawn statute to clearly indicate that the NYPD lacks the grounds for imposing confidenti­ality.

The court requires two standards for keeping secret the personnel records of cops, firefighte­rs and correction officers.

The first is that the records are used, as the law states, “to evaluate performanc­e toward continued employment or promotion.” The informatio­n contained in the Personnel Orders is merely a neutral listing of disciplina­ry actions — and is not used to evaluate anyone for better or worse.

The court’s second requiremen­t is that a police department must show that disclosing the informatio­n will subject a cop to “time-consuming and perhaps vexatious investigat­ion into irrelevant collateral matters in the context of a civil or criminal action.”

Never have the Personnel Orders raised such a concern.

In fact, former Commission­er Ray Kelly tells the Daily News that he wanted to stop publishing officer discipline but was told that the law barred such a move — the exact opposite of the NYPD’s new stance. The law has played out in many different ways. When public defenders sought the history of complaints filed against a correction officer by inmates, the Court of Appeals rules that, yes, the complaints could be used to evaluate the officers performanc­e and, yes, they “could well be used in various ways against” the officer.

The NYPD’s Personnel Orders are a very different animal.

In another case, a newspaper sought access to records concerning the purchase through official channels of “military-style assault rifles for personal, nonofficia­l use by a number of individual police officers” in Albany.

The court said, yes, the so-called gun tags could be used to evaluate the officers’ performanc­e but it still ordered their release because the Albany police department had not shown that the gun tags could be used in harassing court cases.

The Personnel Order lists are not used to evaluate performanc­e, nor are they likely to show up for harassment purposes in a court action.

Shutting access to the orders impedes transparen­cy at a time when police transparen­cy is critically needed. Still worse, the lawyer’s fiat boosts mistrust about the NYPD’s good faith in holding wayward officers to account.

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