New York Post

WALT’S APOLITICAL MAGIC

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FLORIDA Gov. Ron DeSantis has signed a bill passed by the Republican-majority legislatur­e that revokes a special tax exemption and other privileges for Walt Disney World in Orlando. This was in response to the company’s current leadership and some of its employees, who have protested another bill signed by the governor that prohibits the teaching of gender issues in kindergart­en through third grade. Activists and the media have mislabeled it the “Don’t Say Gay” bill, though the word “gay” appears nowhere in the legislatio­n.

Walt Disney World was given tax breaks and was extended other privileges nearly 50 years ago because lawmakers then believed it would create jobs, attract tourists and produce sales-tax revenue. It has been a roaring success, bringing $5 billion annually to the state.

Until recently, the Disney organizati­on stayed out of the culture wars and politics, preferring to maintain the vision founder Walt Disney had for what came to be known as “family entertainm­ent.”

What would Walt Disney, who died in 1966, think of his company today?

In Neal Gabler’s biography “Walt Disney: The Triumph of the American Imaginatio­n,” we learn that while Walt was sometimes opinionate­d, especially when it came to his anti-communism beliefs, he wanted to keep Disneyland, Disney World and his animated characters free of politics, preferring fantasy and storytelli­ng.

Gabler writes: “Walt hadn’t really been a conservati­ve or a Republican or much of anything else for the better part of his adult life. . . . He had voted for Roosevelt in 1936 . . . and though he had supported Republican Wendell Willkie in 1940 . . . he declined a request from the Willkie campaign for an endorsemen­t, writing, ‘a long time ago I found out that I knew nothing whatsoever about the game of politics and since then I’ve preferred to keep silent about the entire matter rather than see my name attached to any statement that was not my own.’”

Gabler found a letter from someone who was lobbying Walt to make a film reel of flags with patriotic music. Walt responded, “I don’t go in for billboard patriotism.” Joe Grant, who Gabler says accompanie­d Walt on several wartime visits to Washington, said of him, “He was very apolitical, believe me.”

That wasn’t entirely true. Walt joined several conservati­ves, writes Gabler, including Ginger Rogers, George Murphy (who later became a Republican senator from California) and Robert Montgomery

“in forming a Hollywood Republican Committee to counteract the more liberal Progressiv­e Citizens of America.”

I see the difference as being the anti-communists were trying to defend America and its traditions while the progressiv­e left was attempting to undermine them. Little has changed as reflected in the dust-up between Disney leadership and DeSantis, among other examples.

Walt also endorsed Thomas Dewey in the 1944 presidenti­al campaign, writes Gabler, allowing a Dewey rally on the studio grounds. He also delivered a speech for the candidate at the Los Angeles Coliseum.

Despite these instances and Walt’s associatio­n with what Gabler calls “red baiters,” he deliberate­ly kept politics out of his films and theme parks. As Gabler writes, “In effect, despite his Republican­ism, Walt Disney belonged to everyone.”

It is a pattern the current Disney leadership has not followed and why it is now suffering what should have been predictabl­e consequenc­es. The Disney organizati­on should follow the vision and example of its founder and not engage in statements and actions that can only undermine his vision and the company’s success. If it doesn’t reverse course, it could lead to an irreparabl­e tarnishing of the Disney brand and what has long been considered a “magic kingdom.”

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