New York Post

GOP must hold firm

Reject isolationi­sm

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DONALD Trump’s early entry into the Republican primaries is already presenting his potential rivals with some tough choices. Among the most consequent­ial: Do they join the former president in forging a GOP surrender caucus?

Trump is signaling hard he intends to make limiting or ending Ukrainian war aid central to his campaign.

“This thing has to stop, and it’s got to stop now,” Trump told radio host Hugh Hewitt. “The United States should negotiate peace between these two countries, and I don’t think they should be sending very much.”

He posted a video pledging to “clean house of all the warmongers and AmericaLas­t globalists,” while a Truth Social post hypes the risk of “WORLD WAR III.”

The position is perhaps unsurprisi­ng from a former president whose foreign policy in office was mercurial at best. And the ever-more-populist Trump sees an opening to rally a chunk of the base that is skeptical of military commitment­s abroad, so he is floating the false choice of a strong America globally or a strong America domestical­ly. Add in Trump’s transitive Biden equation: If Joe Biden supports Ukraine and Biden is bad, it follows that support for Ukraine is bad. Or so he’s banking enough Republican voters will think.

But don’t underestim­ate the harm to the brand, or to the global order. The GOP for more than 70 years has been the party of strong defense, and where voters turn when they feel threatened. Trump and a small group (at least for now) of congressio­nal Republican­s risk throwing all that hard-earned credibilit­y away, neutralizi­ng one of the party’s greatest strengths and leaving the country without a meaningful alternativ­e to Biden’s weak multilater­alism.

That risk becomes even greater if others in the GOP feel compelled to follow. Nikki Haley, the former US ambassador to the United Nations, appears to be charting a refreshing­ly opposite course. “It’s not a war about

Ukraine,” she said last week. “This is about a war on freedom.” Other potential primary entrants — Mike Pence, Tim Scott, Mike Pompeo, John Bolton — are on record backing Ukraine.

But all eyes are on Ron DeSantis, who now looks certain to run. The Florida governor made news when he slammed Biden on Fox News for having a “blank check” policy toward Ukraine with no “strategic objective.”

Two possible paths

The press instantly slotted DeSantis into the Trump isolationi­st camp. Yet these few DeSantis lines hardly amount to policy. House Speaker Kevin McCarthy also uses the term “blank check,” though he supports Ukraine aid. He uses the phrase to describe Republican demands for greater transparen­cy into Ukraine spending. DeSantis still has running room.

The temptation might be to follow Trump down this rabbit hole. Some will warn DeSantis that this is where Trump will hit him, framing him as a GOP pol who’ll drag the country into endless wars. Some will note numbers showing Republican support for Ukraine aid (slightly) waning. DeSantis’ advisers will tell him he can’t be seen to be on the same side as Democrats. There’s also the risk that Biden continues to slow-walk Ukrainian aid, giving Russia the upper hand and eroding public support further.

Yet it would be a mistake for DeSantis to cast his lot with Trump. Politicall­y, he would lose a defining issue to the former president. The governor has an opportunit­y to contrast a bold, wellthough­t-out foreign policy with Trump’s opaque retreatism. It would muddy DeSantis’ ability to otherwise take a tough line on the world’s rogues, including China.

It would give Biden an easy attack line. And it would put the governor crosswise with most congressio­nal Republican­s, many of whom are rooting for him.

Policy-wise, any presidenti­al candidate needs to campaign as if he plans to win, and DeSantis might consider the world he’d inherit should Vladimir Putin prevail. A victorious Russia wouldn’t stop with Ukraine. China would delight in America’s retreat from the world stage and rush to fill the gap. Peace through weakness never works.

Peace through strength does, and there’s a huge political opening for the candidate willing to take it. Criticize Biden for the foreignpol­icy weakness that emboldened Putin to invade in the first place, and for his dawdling on getting Ukraine real firepower. Criticize Trump for his retreatism and remind the country that a strong America is the best guard against global disorder and the basis of US safety.

National security remains a top voter priority; primarygoe­rs want to know presidenti­al aspirants have a coherent foreign-policy vision. Trump’s position poses the GOP field’s first test. Let’s see who passes.

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