New York Post

No Plan for Victory

New military aid will barely let Ukraine hang on

- JONATHAN SWEET & MARK TOTH Col. (Ret.) Jonathan Sweet served 30 years as a military intelligen­ce officer. Mark Toth writes on national security and foreign policy.

APRIL 24 should’ve been a great day: After nearly six months of disagreeme­nt in Washington, President Biden signed a bill to provide Ukraine $61 billion for its war against Russia.

Yet the funding lacked a plan to help Ukraine win. Rather, it would merely let Kyiv buy more “off the shelf ” weapons and ammunition to keep Ukraine in the fight.

Or, as Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin told the Armed Services Committee, the US goal is to make sure that Kyiv “has help.”

Yet the aid alone isn’t enough to actually triumph and serves little more than a band-aid to stop the bleeding in the close fight — to halt Russian advances specifical­ly in the eastern Donetsk Oblast near Chasiv Yar.

On Friday, Moscow renewed its offensive toward Kharkiv — and on Sunday Vladimir Putin installed new leadership at the Russian Ministry of Defense to make sure it succeeds.

It does let Ukraine destroy high value/high payoff Russian weapon systems and shape the battlefiel­d, and it creates space to allow Kyiv time to rebuild combat power for another counteroff­ensive.

But more will be needed. National

Security Adviser Jake Sullivan acknowledg­ed that when he said the aid package was intended to “hold the line . . . to ensure Ukraine withstands the Russian assault.”

He added that Ukraine would need more funding to launch a counteroff­ensive in 2025, which would need approval from Congress and the White House — implying that, if elected, former President Donald Trump would not support the effort.

The aid bill also allows Ukraine to buy new ATACMS munitions that can strike targets as deep as 190 miles. This could enable its forces to strike beyond its border and interdict Russian forces before they arrive on the battlefiel­d.

It could also allow Kyiv to strike back against missile and drone launch platforms targeting civilians and critical energy infrastruc­ture. That’s a potential game changer — if there are no restraints on its use.

In December 2022, the Biden administra­tion secretly modified HIMARS rocket launchers sent to Ukraine so they couldn’t be used to fire long-range missiles into Russia, a precaution it said was necessary “to reduce the risk of a wider war with Moscow.” Will the new extended-range ATACMS come with the same restrictio­ns?

It is questionab­le whether the White House ever thought Ukraine could win in the first place. Afterall, then-Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mark Milley advised Congress in 2021 that Kyiv could fall within 72 hours if a full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine took place. The fall of Ukraine seemed a foregone conclusion. Ukrainian successes complicate­d things.

The war ground to a halt, resembling a World I-like stalemate along a 600-mile front — and despite Biden’s 2020 presidenti­al campaign vow of “no more forever wars,” Ukraine turned into just that.

Let’s not kid ourselves: US support has been about “weakening Russia” all along — and still is.

Winning was never the solution; it was all about managing an outcome that did not lead to a direct confrontat­ion with Russia.

Defense became the strategy. Only Ukraine didn’t get the memo.

Ukrainians did, in fact, believe they could win and restore the territoria­l integrity of their country.

The White House’s desired “negotiatio­n” end state became apparent in November 2022, shortly after Ukrainian troops pushed Russian forces out from Kherson and thwarted the Kremlin’s invasion force on the outskirts of Kyiv.

Milley told reporters at the Economic Club of New York that a victory by Ukraine might not be achieved militarily, adding, “When there’s an opportunit­y to negotiate, when peace can be achieved, seize it. Seize the moment.” Last month Secretary of State Anthony Blinken said that the end of the war “depends mostly on Vladimir Putin and what he decides.”

Tellingly, he added: “The minute that Russia demonstrat­es that it’s genuinely willing to negotiate, we’ll certainly be there, and I believe the Ukrainians will be there.”

Days later, Austin stated, “Most conflicts of this nature end in some kind of negotiatio­n and, again, when that happens, we want Ukraine to be in the best possible position so that it can achieve its goals and agree on the right things.”

Essentiall­y, the White House is offering Putin his desired “sanitary zone” in exchange for what’s left of Ukraine’s sovereignt­y and eventual inclusion into the NATO alliance. Zelensky will not accept that, nor will Europe: Putin will never abide by it.

Meanwhile, Russia is making incrementa­l advances at a cost of nearly a thousand soldiers a day — and constructi­ng defensive positions as they go to retain it.

Biden’s goal of “weakening Russia” has forced Ukraine to pay a terrible price.

Ukraine is at an inflection point on the battlefiel­d and is finding out that winning outright was never Washington’s intention.

That’s a monumental tragedy not just for Ukrainians but the whole world.

 ?? ?? Fire: Will ATACMS munitions do the job?
Fire: Will ATACMS munitions do the job?

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