Newsweek

Kushner Gets Candid

TRUMP’S SON-IN-LAW ON WHAT HE’S LEARNED, HOW HE OPERATES AND THE CHALLENGES OF ‘PLAYING WITH LIVE AMMO.’

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JARED KUSHNER SPOKE TO NEWSWEEK’S Bill Powell at length in mid-june. These excerpts have been edited for length.

What he thought his role would be in January 2017:

JK: That feels like a lifetime ago. I was in a different place in my life then. When we got to the White House at first I was helping [him] find his way; there were so many people with so many agendas coming at him, it was important to make sure people weren’t end-running him, because we were playing with live ammo now. We had to be his eyes and ears to help good people flourish and be a check on people who were playing games. I always had his back.

I think I was good at spotting trends, making decisions and managing organizati­ons. We were doing a lot of learning about how to accomplish his core objectives: get wages rising, rebalance some of the [trade] deals to create long term growth, basically making sure that his big visions had policies put in place below. Every day there are a million crises, you have to figure out how to keep moving forward. In terms of pursuing things that I had interest in, if I identify an objective I get a lot of permission to run. But look, the fact is that I spend most of my time on things the president wants done. I’m a utility player.

The more I was out campaignin­g with him the more it became clear that he was representi­ng people who needed a voice. It became clear that the intelligen­tsia feels one way but the people in the country feel differentl­y. I saw what he was fighting for.

His work on the COVID-19 crisis:

JK: The biggest issue was ventilator­s and testing. I worked with commercial providers. You needed a lot of components to come together, supply chains needed to be dusted off, set approvals for different types of tests and stay in touch with the companies that can create them. We were able to get a lot of that loosened up. Cut through the bureaucrac­y and then power through. Get testing unleashed.

On ventilator­s, the situation varied considerab­ly state by state. We identified what resources were in the private sector and where, and then basically started calling the states asking how many ventilator­s do you have, what’s your utilizatio­n rate? We forced discipline on the process.

At the time we were looking at the numbers growing and thinking, holy shit, we may not be able to make 130,000 [ventilator­s] by May 1. If we don’t flatten the curve we might be like Italy, with people dying on gurneys.

I was criticized for saying that’s not your stockpile, but the idea was, we are working through all these situations, figuring out the best way to get ventilator­s to where they were needed. We were not sure we were going to make it, but we did.

On the masks, we had brought in a small group of private equity guys who could sift through bullshit. There was a lot of hoarding going on. We tried to find out how much each state was actually using, in as close to real time as possible. Using data and moving fast— not something that government is always good at. I said, I’ll take the heat if there are mistakes.

I think Operation Warp Speed will hyper-accelerate a bunch of vaccines; we’ve made progress on therapeuti­cs and testing. We need to be vigilant about screening and testing and monitoring new cases. Overall we need to do a better job of protecting the most vulnerable. People who are older should shelter. People with comorbidit­ies should shelter. But there appears to be little risk for people who are under 45 and who are healthy. We need to figure out a way to continue to open the country safely. Losing one person is too many, so the goal is to prevent as much death as possible. I believe the president and the vice president made a lot of the critical decisions necessary to balance issues of public health and economic health.

Why he took on criminal justice reform:

JK: I had this situation where my father was in prison. For too many people, prison becomes a revolving door. What we find is that 73 percent of the [prison population] had committed a crime previously. It makes you ask, what is the purpose of prison? Because if it’s only punishment, then we know where the future criminals are: They’re in prison.

[The president] knew I had a personal knowledge of the issue and a passion for it. For the first six months I just studied what had been done before and what had failed. People were saying I was naive and an optimist. People criticize. I don’t care. It’s okay to take on hard challenges.

The president helped [persuade Republican senators]. He’s really aggressive in terms of making things happen when he wants something. He makes people uncomforta­ble with the status quo. I worked 18 hours a day for three months, going deep on the issue. I did the legal work. I got an education.

What have you proved to President Trump?

JK: That when he gives me a project nothing leaks, I’m able to get things

done. I feel I’ve been able to take on challenges, I feel like I know Washington better, and I’ve been effective.

Why did you take on Middle East peace?

JK: Well, my father-in-law asked me to do it. He’s very passionate about the U.s.-israel relationsh­ip. It’s an issue that’s very important to his constituen­cy. He wanted to make sure it was done in a way he was comfortabl­e with.

The dynamics were much larger than just sitting down with the Palestinia­ns and the Israelis. That conflict is a cancer. It’s almost like if you can treat the tumor or extract it, then it provides the opportunit­y for a major reconcilia­tion. So the first thing that we did, we went to Saudi Arabia and tried to set out the president’s goals for the Middle East.

The first goal was confrontin­g Iran and their aggression and undo the disastrous damage that had been done by the previous administra­tion. The second priority was ISIS. If ISIS had been able to keep growing you would destabiliz­e the entire region, so we had to stop that—but we had to do it together. The third thing was extremists. They needed to clean out their mosques and stop funding institutio­ns that are promoting radicalism. The fourth one was the Israeli-palestinia­n conflict. We needed to start pushing everyone’s relationsh­ip closer with Israel.

We sat down with the Israelis and the Palestinia­ns and what I found was, everyone wanted to focus on process or history. Those are traps. I looked at different peace deals that were done—and I found that it’s almost like they never started, it was almost an excuse for people to keep getting what they were getting. The Palestinia­n Authority could keep getting money and Israel could keep getting land. Neither side was actually motivated to solve the problem.

Moving the embassy to Jerusalem—the president asked me, is this going to make it harder or easier to get to peace? And I said, long term much harder because the Palestinia­ns will just run from the table.

Pushing the Arabs closer to Israel—that’s the only way that you can actually get this thing done. Where we need to be is that all

Arabs have to have access to the mosque. You have to be in a position where the Palestinia­ns can govern themselves. That becomes economic opportunit­y. So what I did was to get Israel to agree to a state. It was the first time that Israel had actually drawn a map. And then we said to the Palestinia­ns, if you have technical changes, come back and tell us what they are. I feel like it put them in a position internatio­nally where they have to defend the status quo while Israel is saying okay we’re ready to solve this thing.

And what we’ve also done with the region is, no more cherry-picking issues. If you’re with America and we are helping you with your biggest problems, ISIS and Iran, you can’t cross us on Israel. And quite frankly they have economic and security reasons to get together with Israel. I think if you look over three years, number one there has been no real violence, which is a success.

Now the goal is to push for more steps toward normalizat­ion between Israel and the Arabs, and to keep saying to the Palestinia­ns, we’re not going to allow you to hold yourself hostage. If you want money and want respect, you have to do the things normal countries do. It’s almost as if they put a knife to their wrist and say if you don’t give us what we want we’ll kill ourselves. You’re not gonna kill yourself. We stopped buying their bullshit. And we put in place a lot of policies that long term make Israel safer, more secure. and Frankly I think the president’s political base is thrilled with how we handled this so far.

What are the Gulf Arab partners telling the Palestians now?

JK: They probably give them happy talk, but I think they’ve all given up on it. They’d love to help the people, but unfortunat­ely the people are hostages to bad leadership. They’ve grown less scared of them because their publics don’t care as much. In Saudi Arabia they care about jobs for Saudis, not the Palestinia­ns. In Bahrain they want jobs for Bahrainis. From our Gulf allies’ standpoint, Iran is number one through 10 on their concern meter. Israel is an ally against Iran. The economy is number 11 through 20.

On Saudi Arabia, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman and the murder of Jamal Khashoggi.

JK: We were worried that their policies at home, their repression, was creating more terrorism. Trump was not going to stand for it. I told them we want to be a great ally, but you have to show us. MBS said we want to rebuild a good relationsh­ip, give me some space and time. I want to start modernizin­g our society. I have to invest. I’m setting ambitious goals. Let me do this in my time. I think he has tried to keep his word. There have obviously been a couple of missteps. But they’ve been a good ally.

[The murder of journalist and dissident Jamal Khashoggi] was a very, very tough situation. We told them we weren’t happy and we urged them to be transparen­t. But we couldn’t upend the entire relationsh­ip.

His role in the 2020 campaign:

JK: My role is the same as the last campaign: organizer, problem solver and builder. I have been taking everything that worked from the last campaign and built on that. The polls are all bullshit. If you look at all the public opinion polls from Labor Day to the election last time, we were ahead in none. We have our own data operation. We know there are more than enough Trump voters to give the president a big victory. We were in a very strong position prior to the outbreak of the pandemic. Who do you think can go back and do the same now? Try Trump, he gets things done.

In the wake of the George Floyd killing and the subsequent outrage and unrest, can you increase Trump’s share of the African American vote?

JK: Maybe. Maybe not. We worked hard to court the African American vote. Criminal justice reform. School choice. Opportunit­y zones. We have built a coalition and shown up in places where [Republican­s] haven’t shown up before. There are big race issues in America, obviously. They [the Democrats] are offering emotion. We offer substance. We’ve been trying to cultivate a whole generation of Black conservati­ve Republican­s. Last time not a lot of [Black] Trump supporters put on a red hat and knocked on doors. I have a lot of those now. When you lay out what he has done, his favorabili­ty jumps. He has promised to fight for all forgotten Americans and that community has been forgotten. He’s not a panderer. He offers action and a framework. Our offering is better than theirs. We believe we have a real shot to compete for every vote.

“Every day there are a million crises. You have to figure out how to keep moving forward.”

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