Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Not for kneeling

- Bradley R. Gitz Freelance columnist Bradley R. Gitz, who lives and teaches in Batesville, received his Ph.D. in political science from the University of Illinois.

The last time I took a knee was when I asked the woman who is now my wife to marry me, and even then it felt a bit awkward. So I’m not going to be kneeling because of what Derek Chauvin did to George Floyd in Minneapoli­s, however appalling that was, and however many other people decide to grovel accordingl­y.

I didn’t kill George Floyd; in fact, I had nothing whatsoever to do with his tragic death (I’ve never even been to Minnesota), and I resent the accusation that I did simply because of the color of my skin and the color of his.

I’m not going to be kneeling because kneeling under such circumstan­ces represents a form of self-abasement and submission that is inconsiste­nt with human dignity. As a free people, Americans don’t kneel in front of kings or queens or sultans and most certainly not in front of angry mobs. We don’t seek absolution and pay penitence for crimes we didn’t commit, and we should be embarrasse­d for those among us who do.

America’s founding principles thankfully contain little room for the toxic concept of “collective guilt” that has been used to justify so much of the mass bloodshed in the human experience. What happened between a white police officer and a black man in Minneapoli­s probably doesn’t tell us much about the rest of that city’s police force, let alone the nearly 800,000 police officers spread across America, or about America as a whole.

We are told by our woke superiors that we either take a knee or admit complicity in racism (as if such an enduring plague upon the human condition could be so easily expunged), but there is no reason why our choice should be binary in nature; more specifical­ly, no reason why we can’t condemn what happened to George Floyd without condemning America. Indeed, the attributio­n of motives, let alone guilt, to tens of millions of people merely because of the color of their skin is itself inherently racist.

A belief in “white supremacy” might still exist in some of our rural hinterland­s and in the creepier fringes of the Internet, but I’ve personally never met a single, even modestly educated person who embraces it, and am confident that the vast majority of white Americans view such notions with appropriat­e contempt.

Skepticism is also recommende­d when encounteri­ng the concept of “white privilege,” given that so many of those currently renouncing it while on their knees are unlikely to actually give up any of theirs, particular­ly their pricey houses in neighborho­ods with no black neighbors or the pricey private schools they send their kids to in order to avoid having black classmates. The renunciati­ons are just for show, a symbolic means of saying I’m not as racist as those other white people, so go after them instead of me.

In Churchill’s words, “Each one hopes that if he feeds the crocodile enough, the crocodile will eat him last.”

We are told again and again, usually without definition­s of the thing or any proof to support the claim, that America suffers from systemic racism, but the thought also occurs that such accusation­s might serve as a convenient scapegoat with which to direct attention away from the serious problems in our black communitie­s that have precious little to do with racism per se, most conspicuou­sly the disintegra­tion of the black family that began in the 1960s and all of the social pathologie­s that have flowed from it.

It is, after all, far easier to mouth slogans about white racism and to take a knee to signal our virtue than it is to come up with ways to put the black family back together or improve the quality of inner-city schools. And cops who patrol those inner cities and deal with the concentrat­ed crime in them on a daily basis will always make easy targets for cheap criticism; until, that is, the crime comes for us and we franticall­y call 911.

Within this context, it is difficult to conceive of how any truly intelligen­t and thus useful conversati­on can be conducted about the police and American race relations in general without acknowledg­ing that black violent-crime rates, especially for young black males, are many times that for whites. And it has always seemed peculiar that a movement called Black Lives Matter has been so uninterest­ed in the fact that the vast majority of black Americans who are murdered are killed not by white police officers but other black Americans.

There will always be a need to fight against racism (along with all the other problems found in inevitably imperfect societies created by imperfect beings), but probably the worst thing we can do in that fight, defined as the most likely to backfire and thereby encourage the very thing we oppose, is what we are now so busy doing: simplistic­ally and slanderous­ly equating racism with whiteness in a country with a population that is overwhelmi­ngly white.

Tremendous progress has been made in recent decades in dismantlin­g obstacles to black equality, and that progress wouldn’t have been possible without dramatic changes in the attitudes of white Americans who are now being accused of incorrigib­le racism.

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