Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Prosecutor said to move ahead with inquiry of Trump, allies

- DANNY HAKIM AND RICHARD FAUSSET

As the House committee investigat­ing the Jan. 6 Capitol riot tries to extract testimony and documents from Donald Trump’s White House, an Atlanta district attorney is moving toward convening a special grand jury in her criminal investigat­ion of election interferen­ce by the former president and his allies, according to a person with direct knowledge of the deliberati­ons.

The prosecutor, Fani Willis of Fulton County, opened her inquiry in February, and her office has been consulting with the House committee, whose evidence could be of considerab­le value to her investigat­ion.

But her progress has been slowed in part by delays in the panel’s fact-gathering. By convening a grand jury dedicated solely to the allegation­s of election tampering, Willis, a Democrat, would be indicating that her own investigat­ion is ramping up.

Her inquiry is seen by legal experts as potentiall­y perilous for the former president, given the myriad interactio­ns he and his allies had with Georgia officials, most notably Trump’s January call to Secretary of State Brad Raffensper­ger to urge him to “find 11,780 votes” — enough to reverse the state’s election result.

The Georgia case is one of two active criminal investigat­ions known to touch on the former president and his circle. Willis’ investigat­ion is unfolding in a state that remains center stage in the nation’s partisan battle over the vote.

The Biden Justice Department has sued Georgia over a highly restrictiv­e voting law passed by the Republican-led Legislatur­e, arguing that it discrimina­tes against Black voters.

At the same time, Trump is aggressive­ly seeking to reshape the state’s political landscape

The Georgia case is one of two active criminal investigat­ions known to touch on the former president and his circle. Willis’ investigat­ion is unfolding in a state that remains center stage in the nation’s partisan battle over the vote.

by ousting Republican­s whom he considers unwilling to do his bidding or to adopt his false claims of election fraud. A new governor would not have direct power to pardon, which in Georgia is delegated to a state board.

Instead of impaneling a special grand jury, Willis could submit evidence to one of two grand juries currently sitting in Fulton County, a longtime Democratic stronghold that encompasse­s much of Atlanta. But the county has a vast backlog of more than 10,000 potential criminal cases that have yet to be considered by a grand jury — a result of logistical complicati­ons from the coronaviru­s pandemic.

By contrast, a special grand jury, which by Georgia statute would include 16-23 members, could focus solely on the potential case against Trump and his allies. Although such a jury could issue subpoenas, Willis would need to return to a regular grand jury to seek criminal indictment­s.

Willis’ office declined to comment; earlier this year, in an interview with The New York Times, she said, “Anything that is relevant to attempts to interfere with the Georgia election will be subject to review.”

Aides to Trump did not respond to requests for comment. In February, a spokespers­on called the Fulton County inquiry “the Democrats’ latest attempt to score political points by continuing their witch hunt against President Trump.”

Raffensper­ger made his view of Trump’s election meddling clear in a book released on Election Day.

“For the office of the secretary of state to ‘recalculat­e’ would mean we would somehow have to fudge the numbers. The president was asking me to do something that I knew was wrong, and I was not going to do that,” he wrote.

Of Trump’s call, Raffensper­ger wrote, “I felt then — and still believe today — that this was a threat.”

A 114-page analysis of potential issues in the case was released last month by the Brookings Institutio­n. The report concluded that Trump’s post-election conduct in Georgia put him “at substantia­l risk of possible state charges,” including racketeeri­ng, election fraud solicitati­on, intentiona­l interferen­ce with performanc­e of election duties and conspiracy to commit election fraud.

Willis has said a racketeeri­ng charge is on the table. Such cases are often associated with prosecutio­ns of mob bosses, using the federal Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizati­ons Act. Georgia has its own state version of the law.

Building a racketeeri­ng prosecutio­n in the election case would require prosecutor­s to detail an organized effort by Trump and his allies. One of them, Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., called Raffensper­ger last November and asked whether all mail-in votes could be thrown out in counties with high rates of questionab­le ballot signatures.

In late December, Mark Meadows, then the White House chief of staff, made an unannounce­d visit to Cobb County, with Secret Service agents in tow, to view an election audit in process.”

Around the same time, Trump called Raffensper­ger’s chief investigat­or, asking her to find “dishonesty” in the election. He also called Chris Carr, the state attorney general, asking him not to oppose a lawsuit filed by the Texas attorney general challengin­g the election results in Georgia and other states.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States