Oroville Mercury-Register

New immigratio­n policy has familiar old ring

- Navarrette’s email address is ruben@rubennavar­rette.com. His podcast, “Ruben in the Center,” is available through every podcast app.

SAN DIEGO » The U.S. immigratio­n debate is a house of lies. And some policy changes can be terribly deceptive.

Last week, the Biden administra­tion unveiled a modified immigratio­n enforcemen­t plan. Frontline Immigratio­n and Customs Enforcemen­t agents who hunt for undocument­ed immigrants in the interior — and by extension, also Border Patrol agents who patrol a frontera have been told to stand down by their boss, Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas.

More precisely, U.S. immigratio­n agents have been encouraged to not aggressive­ly pursue, detain and arrest those undocument­ed immigrants who do not pose a danger. Instead — in Mayorkas’ words — agents “focus on individual­s who pose a threat to national security, public safety and border security.”

Agents are also supposed to take note of how long someone has lived in the United States and concentrat­e on removing those who entered in the last year.

To some Americans, this policy will seem like a commonsens­e allocation of resources. To others, it will come across as anarchy and open borders.

It’s tough to argue that the borders are open when the

Biden deportatio­n-industrial complex just removed more than 7,000 Haitians in less than three weeks. The border doesn’t get any more closed than that.

The resources argument is stronger. America can’t deport her way out of the immigratio­n predicamen­t. It’s our nation’s prerogativ­e to remove individual­s who are in the country illegally. But, as a practical matter, not everyone can be apprehende­d, processed and removed. Besides, many of those who are removed are likely to return, especially if their families remain on this side of the border.

Yet I worry that the new policy is just a distractio­n away from the human rights catastroph­e with the Haitians. In the end, not much will change.

Because rank-and-file border patrol agents won’t let it change. The underlings are union-protected civil servants who often aren’t keen on following orders, and who needn’t worry about being fired if they don’t.

Law enforcemen­t officers enforce the law. That’s what they do, and it’s all they do. Having imaginatio­n is not a job requiremen­t.

The first person to get me to see the limits of immigratio­n enforcemen­t was, ironically, someone tasked with enforcing immigratio­n laws. Having spent time in the Peace Corps between college and law school, he had a great imaginatio­n.

John T. Morton was director of ICE during the first term of the Obama administra­tion, from 2009 to 2013. At the beginning, Obama was racking up 1,000 deportatio­ns per day and telling detractors that he could not stop the removals because the president is “not a King.” When Morton attended strategy meetings on immigratio­n at the White House, his voice was reportedly one of the loudest in favor of immigratio­n reform.

Morton’s solution was to issue, in March 2011, a six-page internal memorandum — what became known by reporters and immigratio­n observers as the “Morton memo” — to all ICE field office directors, frontline field agents, and the chief legal counsel.

In the document, Morton advised that the bureaucrat­s “may” exercise discretion and show leniency toward some illegal immigrants by weighing certain factors, including the length of time the person had lived in the United States and whether he or she had a criminal record.

Sound familiar? The Mayorkas memo is the Morton memo, Part II.

However well-intentione­d, Morton’s policy directive was largely ignored by ICE personnel. It was a big waste of time. I’m afraid that — perhaps one day soon — we’ll conclude the same about its successor.

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