Oroville Mercury-Register

Regardless of political acts, reparation­s are likely illegal

- Elias is author of the current book “The Burzynski Breakthrou­gh: The Most Promising Cancer Treatment and the Government's Campaign to Squelch It,” now available in an updated third edition. His email address is tdelias@aol.com

It was clear from the moment that California's Reparation­s Task Force began pushing the idea of large cash payments to descendant­s of AfricanAme­rican slaves that there is insufficie­nt political will to use money for making right what some call “America's original sin.” Without doubt, much of what has built this nation was accomplish­ed on the backs of those slaves. They establishe­d crops on plantation­s and farms from Rhode Island to Texas. They built the White House and the national Capitol. They paved roads and built bridges.

Once legally freed, they were still kept in bondage by sharecropp­ing and ultra-low industrial wages. They were denied home loans in a practice called “redlining,” they had segregatio­nist Jim Crow rules imposed on them in many places.

But California was never the center of Black slavery and discrimina­tion. De facto slaves here were usually Native American Indians or Chinese laborers compelled to build railroads and rice farms, drain swamps and dig sewers.

Plus populating brothels without hope for escape and becoming domestic servants.

But the state's Reparation­s Task Force has made no mention of these other actual and quasislave­s. Composed entirely of African-Americans, the group discussed no one else.

It eventually became obvious that even the politician­s on that commission had no stomach for trying to push through the Legislatur­e the kind of cash reparation­s some colleagues on the task force and others are demanding.

Those demands most likely will form a significan­t part of the group's final report to Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Legislatur­e, expected in late June.

But Newsom, coping with a $31.5 billion budget deficit, quickly made plain there will be no cash anytime soon for reparation­s to Blacks — and only Blacks — for the poor health care, housing discrimina­tion and other hardships imposed upon most of them for much of California's 173 years of statehood.

Besides the lack of political will for this, it's fast becoming clear that reparation­s favoring just one — and only one — group solely on the basis of its ancestry won't get far in the courts. That's because government favoritism of one group over others is not permitted under the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constituti­on, which guarantees all who live in America “equal protection of the laws.”

So if one person whose forebears suffered legally-sanctioned injustice is entitled to reparation­s, so are any other persons whose ancestors also faced government-imposed injustice.

How is it justified under the 14th Amendment — ironically written and passed to protect Blacks released from slavery — to deny Indians reparation­s after their ancestral villages were systematic­ally burned by the U.S. Army in the latter part of the

19th Century? How could descendant­s of Chinese forced laborers also be denied reparation­s?

And yet, the Reparation­s Task Force in its preliminar­y findings released in May mentioned only Blacks. Even those who have lived in California as briefly as two years could be eligible for six-figure checks if the Legislatur­e adopts the tentative task force plan.

Yes, some ideas in that report might be practical and legal, even in this newly-arrived era of big budget deficits, but only if they are applied to all groups that faced government-sanctioned or -approved discrimina­tion.

This could apply to Jews prevented from buying many properties before the late 1950s through then-legal clauses in land deeds prohibitin­g sales to that ethno-religious group. It would need also to apply to Japanese who lost property while interned in special camps during World War II.

This means reparation­s, which might have run up to almost $1 trillion for the 9+ % of California­ns who are African-American, might cost even more than that if other groups are treated equally, as the 14th Amendment appears to demand.

Japanese and Chinese and Jews may not be able to prove they were systematic­ally and deliberate­ly denied equal health care, as the task force says

Blacks were, but all faced — some say they still face — discrimina­tion in housing, employment and college admissions, areas where the task force seeks compensati­on for Blacks.

Which means something different must be worked out, or else no wrongs at all will be righted.

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