States looking to protect health-related data as it’s used in abortion fight
Some state governments and federal regulators were already moving to keep individuals’ reproductive health information private when a U.S. senator’s report last week offered a new jolt, describing how cellphone location data was used to send millions of anti-abortion ads to people who visited Planned Parenthood offices.
Federal law bars medical providers from sharing health data without a patient’s consent but doesn’t prevent digital tech companies from tracking menstrual cycles or an individual’s location and selling it to data brokers. Legislation for federal bans have never gained momentum, largely because of opposition from the tech industry.
Whether that should change has become another political fault line in a nation where most Republican-controlled states have restricted abortion — including 14 with bans in place at every stage of pregnancy — and most Democratic ones have sought to protect access since the U.S. Supreme Court in 2022 overturned Roe v. Wade.
Abortion rights advocates fear that that if such data is not kept private, it could be used not only in targeted ads but also in law enforcement investigations or by abortion opponents looking to harm those who seek to end pregnancies.
But so far, there’s no evidence of widespread use of this kind of data in law enforcement investigations.
The report last week from Sen. Ron Wyden, an Oregon Democrat, showed the biggest known antiabortion ad campaign directed to people who had been identified as having visited abortion providers.
Wyden’s investigation found that the information gathered by a now-defunct data broker called Near Intelligence was used by ads from The Veritas Society, a nonprofit founded by Wisconsin Right to Life. The ads targeted people who visited 600 locations in 48 states from 2019 through 2022. There were more than 14 million ads in Wisconsin alone.
Wyden called on the
Federal Trade Commission to intervene in the bankruptcy case for Near to make sure the location information collected on Americans is destroyed and not sold to another data broker.
Massachusetts reached a settlement in 2017 with an ad agency that ran a similar campaign nearly a decade ago.
The FTC sued one data broker, Kochava, over similar claims in 2022 in an ongoing case, and settled last month with another, X-Mode Social, and its successor, Outlogic, which the government said sold location data of even users who opted out of such sharing. X-Mode was also found to have sold location data to the U.S. military.
In both cases, the FTC relied on a law against unfair or deceptive practices.
States are also passing or considering their own laws aimed specifically at protecting sensitive health information.
Washington’s Slatter, a Democrat, has worked on digital privacy issues for years, but wasn’t able to get a bill with comprehensive protections adopted in her state.
She said things changed when Roe was overturned. She went to a rally in 2022 and heard women talking about deleting periodtracking apps out of fear of how their data could be exploited.
When she introduced a health-specific data privacy bill last year, it wasn’t just lawyers and lobbyists testifying; women of all ages and from many walks of life showed up to support it, too.
The measure, which bars selling personal health data without a consumer’s consent and prohibits tracking who visits reproductive or sexual health facilities, was adopted.
Connecticut and Nevada adopted similar laws last year. New York enacted one that bars using tracking around health care facilities.
California and Maryland took another approach, enacting laws that prevent computerized health networks from sharing information about sensitive health care with other providers without consent.