Pawtucket Times

Michael Gerson, Bush speechwrit­er on 9/11, dies at 58

- Brian Murphy

WASHINGTON – Michael Gerson, a speechwrit­er for President George W. Bush who helped craft messages of grief and resolve after 9/11, then explored conservati­ve politics and faith as a Washington Post columnist writing on issues ranging from President Donald Trump’s disruptive grip on the GOP to his own struggles with depression, died Nov. 17 at a hospital in Washington. He was 58.

The cause of death was complicati­ons from cancer, said Peter Wehner, a longtime friend and former colleague.

After years of working as a writer for conservati­ve and evangelica­l leaders, including Prison Fellowship Ministries founder and Watergate felon Charles Colson, Mr. Gerson joined the Bush campaign in 1999. Mr. Gerson, an evangelica­l Christian, wrote with an eye toward religious and moral imagery, and that approach melded well with Bush’s personalit­y as a leader open about his own Christian faith.

Mr. Gerson’s work and bonds with Bush drew comparison­s to other powerful White House partnershi­ps, such as John F. Kennedy’s with his speechwrit­er and adviser Ted Sorensen and Ronald Reagan’s with aide Peggy Noonan. Conservati­ve commentato­r William Kristol told The Post in 2006 that Mr. Gerson “might have had more influence than any other White House staffer who wasn’t chief of staff or national security adviser” in modern times.

“Mike was substantiv­ely influentia­l, not just a wordsmith, not just a crafter of language for other people’s policies, but he influenced policy itself,” Kristol said.

As an impromptu speaker, Bush had a reputation for gaffes and mangling phrases, but Mr. Gerson provided him with memorable flights of oratory, such as the pledge to end “the soft bigotry of low expectatio­ns” in the education of low-income and minority students and the descriptio­n of democracy – in Bush’s first inaugural address – as a “seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.” As a Bush confidant and head of the speechwrit­ing team, he also encouraged such memorable turns of phrase as “axis of evil,” which Bush used to explain the administra­tion’s hawkish posture as it started long and costly wars in Afghanista­n and Iraq.

In the chaotic months after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, Mr. Gerson became the key craftsman articulati­ng what became known as the “Bush Doctrine” – which advocated preemptive strikes against potential terrorists and other perceived threats. With his team of writers, he began shaping Bush’s tone and tenor, including addresses at Washington National Cathedral on Sept. 14 and to a joint session of Congress on Sept. 20.

“Our grief has turned to anger, and anger to resolution,” Bush told Congress. “Whether we bring our enemies to justice, or bring justice to our enemies, justice will be done.”

Mr. Gerson and Bush found common ground in the use of religious themes of higher power and light vs. darkness, seeing such rhetoric as part of other historic struggles, including the abolitioni­st movement. “It is a real mistake to try to secularize American political discourse,” Mr. Gerson told NPR in 2006. “It removes one of the primary sources of visions of justice in American history.”

Before the State of the Union address in January 2002, Bush’s speechwrit­ers were instructed to link Iraq to the wider battles against terrorism – a sign that Bush and his inner circle, including Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld and Vice President Dick Cheney, were gearing up for war.

Speechwrit­er David Frum said he came up with “axis of hatred” to describe Iraq, North Korea and Iran (even though Iraq’s Saddam Hussein was a foe of leaders in Tehran). Mr. Gerson tweaked it to “axis of evil” to make it sound more “theologica­l” – a battle between good and evil – Frum wrote in his 2003 book on Bush, “The Right Man.”

“I thought that was terrific,” Frum wrote about Mr. Gerson’s change. “It was the sort of language President Bush used.” (Writing in the Atlantic, another speechwrit­er, Michael Scully, said that Mr. Gerson was caught up in his own mythology and that Frum and Scully were more actively involved in formulatin­g “axis of evil.”)

Mr. Gerson also had a hand in pushing the Bush White House’s false assertions about Iraq – including debunked allegation­s of Iraqi weapons of mass destructio­n – that would seek to justify the 2003 invasion. More than eight years of war claimed the lives of about 4,500 U.S. service personnel and more than 100,000 Iraqi insurgents and civilians, according to monitoring groups. Some place the number of Iraqi deaths far higher.

Mr. Gerson never publicly expressed regrets for having helped sell the Iraq War. His 2007 memoir, “Heroic Conservati­sm,” declared that U.S. leadership is essential to fight terrorism and global poverty and disease. But he mostly sidesteppe­d the many ethical and legal questions arising from the Iraq and Afghanista­n wars and such consequenc­es as the waterboard­ing of prisoners, renditions to Guantánamo Bay and the thousands of civilian casualties.

After a heart attack in December 2004, Mr. Gerson stepped back from the stresses of speechwrit­ing and took on policy advisory roles full time. He often lamented that the Bush administra­tion’s humanitari­an initiative­s, such as AIDS prevention in Africa, became footnotes in a world changed by 9/11.

Mr. Gerson left the White House in 2006, with Bush’s backing, to pursue outside policy work and writing. The next year, he joined The Post and wrote twice-weekly columns that expanded his reach as a conservati­ve distressed by populism and the politics of anger, and animated by the conviction that religion and social activism are powerful partners.

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