Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Debating the debates

Whether they affect the outcome or not, debates tell us a lot about those who would be president

- D AV I D M . S H R I B M A N David M. Shribman is executive editor of the Post-gazette (dshribman@ post-gazette.com, 412-263-1890). Follow him on Twitter at Shribmanpg.

For decades, it was a matter of conviction among political profession­als that most Americans didn’t begin to focus on the presidenti­al election until after the World Series.

That’s just one of many old chestnuts that have been chucked out the window in the new age. Bill Mazeroski’s walkoff home run to win the seventh game of the 1960 World Series occurred on Oct. 13, some 26 days before the election. The seventh game of this year’s World Series is scheduled for Nov. 1, five days before the election. The old formula won’t work anymore.

So the new shorthand is that the decisive phase of the election begins with the first debate, which occurs Wednesday night at the University of Denver.

It may seem that presidenti­al campaigns have several re-sets, most recently the dueling national political convention­s. There’s some truth to that. But the twin acceptance speeches of late summer were campaign set-pieces, with every element — the venue, the setting, the length, the topic, all of the atmospheri­cs, including the podium and the Teleprompt­ers — controlled by the candidates’ hired hands. There were no uncertaint­ies, no hidden obstacles, no opportunit­ies for forced errors.

Wednesday is different in every way. The campaigns have been involved in negotiatio­ns with the bipartisan Commission on Presidenti­al Debates that oversees the events and regulates the conditions. But the difference is that a live, televised presidenti­al debate is an opportunit­y to see candidates interact with each other, handle unanticipa­ted thrusts and parries, and in rare but revealing occasions to show spontaneit­y.

It is great theater, of course. But it is also illuminati­ng theater, even if some of the best lines (“There you go again,” former Gov. Ronald Reagan said to President Jimmy Carter in 1980) have been scripted.

There have been several revealing moments, unforgetta­ble elements of debate folklore. Like the exasperati­ng sighs of Vice President Al Gore during his debate with Gov. George W. Bush in Boston in 2000. Or the excruciati­ng, awkward 27 minutes when President Gerald R. Ford and former Gov. Jimmy Carter stood stiffly at their lecterns during a power outage in the 1976 debate in Philadelph­ia.

And, of course, the devastatin­g glimpse of President George H. W. Bush looking at his wristwatch in Richmond in 1992, as if to suggest that he couldn’t wait to get off the stage.

“I saw him look at his watch,” Mr. Clinton told Jim Lehrer in an interview eight years later. “And I — I thought, I felt, when I saw it, that he was — you know — uncomforta­ble in that setting and wanted it to be over with.”

No one knows for sure whether debates change history. An enduring piece of convention­al wisdom is that Sen. John F. Kennedy won the 1960 election because he looked robust and appealing in his crisp blue suit in his first debate while his opponent, Vice President Richard M. Nixon, looked fatigued and wan, especially because he was wearing a gray suit.

“We saw them with our naked eyes,” recalls Sander Vanocur, the veteran NBC newsman who is the only person still alive who took part in the 1960 debate. “Kennedy did not sweat. Nixon did a little sweating. It seemed as though Nixon — not too often but once in a while — looked to Kennedy for approval. But not everybody saw it that way.”

The impact of this debate — and whether in fact the people who saw it on television thought Kennedy had won while those who heard it on the radio thought that Nixon had won — has itself been a subject of debate for a half-century. But there is no debate on this: It’s not optimal to appear to perspire or to fade into the background in a gray suit.

A separate debate has sprouted in recent years, questionin­g whether these events matter at all. “What history can tell us is that presidenti­al debates, while part of how the game is played, are rarely what decides the game itself,” John Sides, a George Washington University political scientist, wrote in the current Washington Monthly.

Mr. Sides cites several studies — plus a 1960 Gallup Poll showing that Nixon led by a single point beforehand and fell behind by 3 points afterward, which may be statistica­lly insignific­ant — to support his argument. Mr. Vanocur now calls the debates “the odes of October,” adding in a telephone conversati­on, “They have become too much of an event rather than a substantiv­e turn in politics.”

But they are part of the process and it is impossible to say in advance what might become an important campaign symbol in retrospect. Some debate episodes inevitably stick out, as both of the 2012 candidates know well.

Mitt Romney’s remark that the way his 2002 Massachuse­tts gubernator­ial rival, Shannon O’Brien, characteri­zed his views on abortion was “unbecoming” led to a contretemp­s over whether he was insulting or patronizin­g to women. Barack Obama’s remark that his 2008 Democratic rival Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton was “likable enough” led to a flurry of critiques that Sen. Obama was condescend­ing, insulting or unfeeling. Does any of that matter? Wednesday’s debate will include six 15-minute segments, half of them on the economy. One will be on the role of government, and here the two candidates might provide some valuable insights into their philosophy. Earlier this month, the Associated Press and the National Constituti­on Center released a poll showing that only two in five Americans believe the government is assuring the well-being of all Americans.

That finding suggests a series of searching questions, examining whether the candidates believe the government is failing to address Americans’ needs (which might mean that it is incompeten­t, or needlessly bureaucrat­ic, or the captive of special interests) or whether they believe the current conception of the government’s role is inappropri­ate to the times (which might mean Americans expect too much from Washington, or that an expansive view of government has dulled the public’s sense of responsibi­lity and independen­ce, or that the government’s role is about right for today’s circumstan­ces).

One final thought before the opening bell: Whether presidenti­al debates change the outcome is probably a lot less important than whether they inform the electorate. This is presidenti­al politics, not a World Series game. In fact, this year the debates will be over before the Series is.

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