Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Our (corporate) bodies, ourselves

How corporatio­ns won their civil rights

- By David Wecht

“Corporatio­ns are people, my friend.” Mitt Romney’s declaratio­n at the 2011 Iowa State Fair became a source of mirth and some ridicule.

But the truth is a bit complicate­d. “Pull up a chair,” Adam Winkler seems to say. “I have a story to tell.” It’s a tale that begins in Ancient Rome, continues through ‘olde England,’ crosses over to Jamestown and the Colonies, and ambles on down through the annals of American common law.

Mr. Winkler, who teaches law at UCLA, has taken upon himself an ambitious project. The corporatio­n was first conceived as a cooperativ­e enterprise that could allow Romans to pool resources to advance both the common good and personal wealth.

The great English jurist Blackstone built on this foundation, conceiving the corporatio­n as a legal person separate and apart from those who shared in its ownership. In the Virginia Colony, consigned to hunger and slaughter in its earliest beginnings, the corporatio­n was the device employed to fund and sustain exploratio­n and settlement of the new continent.

Both in the Colonies and in the newly independen­t United States, the corporatio­n allowed shareholde­rs to pool wealth and realize economies of scale that even the wealthiest individual­s could not advance on their own.

But, this being America, litigation followed. What to make of this corporate form? John Marshall had some ideas. The third, and greatest, chief justice of the United States, Mr. Marshall pioneered principles not only of our constituti­onal law, but of our political economy as well.

Against what can fairly be characteri­zed as massive Jeffersoni­an opposition, Mr. Marshall’s corporate jurisprude­nce in cases like McCulloch, Deveaux and Dartmouth College championed the Hamiltonia­n financial structure that would sustain the broad enterprise of nation-building as settlement of the American continent continued apace.

The Dartmouth College case deserves special mention. In his hours-long argument before the justices (it was, after all, a pre-Instagram, pre-CNN age), the great advocate Daniel Webster famously intoned, “It is a small college, sir, but there are those who love it.”

The case involved an attempt by the State of New Hampshire to grab control of the institutio­n, founded in part to advance the education of Native Americans (”the merciless Indian Savages” of Jefferson’s Declaratio­n, but never mind ...).

Webster’s panegyric convinced Mr. Marshall and his colleagues (or helped Mr. Marshall convince his colleagues over the sherry he always maintained for this purpose in ample supply) that the Dartmouth corporatio­n deserved protection­s and rights against the grasp of the state, under the contracts clause of the United States Constituti­on. (”No State shall ... pass any ... Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts .... ”).

But what, exactly, were the rights of corporatio­ns? They weren’t human beings. They were, as Blackstone and others had noted, legal fictions, entities formed to facilitate commerce, developmen­t and cooperatio­n at scale for profit.

So, did they have rights? There’s the rub. You see, we can all get our arms around the concepts of a human being’s rights. We haven’t always respected and delivered them; but we know they exist. But does a corporatio­n have rights ? The short answer: Yes. The longer answer: Well, that’s what Mr. Winkler’s book probes. It’s an extended narrative. But it’s a very interestin­g one.

Long story short, the U.S. Supreme Court had little trouble developing an understand­ing that corporatio­ns enjoyed property rights. This principle, articulate­d in cases decided between our independen­ce and the early 20th-century, built on venerable ideas about communal wealth-building and respect for contractua­l arrangemen­ts.

But what of liberty rights? That was a longer time in coming. Initially, the Supreme Court affirmed that corporatio­ns do not enjoy rights we associate with human beings, such as rights of free speech, of equal protection, of due process of law, of protection from warrantles­s searches and seizures. But gradually, beginning with the New Deal, the Court has extended most of these rights to corporatio­ns.

In the 1936 Grosjean case, the Supreme Court held that the First Amendment right of freedom of the press extends to newspaper corporatio­ns. Rights of free speech, free associatio­n, commercial speech and other liberties followed.

In its 2010 landmark 5-4 decision in Citizens United, the Court overturned two of its own precedents to hold that corporatio­ns have a First Amendment right to spend money directly to influence candidate elections. Outrage ensued, the Occupy Wall Street movement developed, and, of course, those who tuned in to President Obama’s State of the Union address were treated to Justice Samuel Alito’s famous “not true” head-shake.

More recently, in 2014, the Supreme Court decided Hobby Lobby, a case in which the justices held that corporatio­ns themselves (and not just their officers and shareholde­rs) enjoy freedom of religion. The implicatio­ns are still unfolding.

Readers will be prompted to think about the meaning of civil rights. The Supreme Court has extended these guarantees not just to the people, who are are referenced in our Constituti­on, but to corporatio­ns, which are not. The road to this jurisprude­nce has been long and convoluted. Professor Winkler has performed yeoman service in illuminati­ng it.

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