Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Digital disconnect

Twitter Democrats are not like most Democrats

- Michelle Goldberg Michelle Goldberg is a columnist for The New York Times.

On Twitter during late 2015 and early 2016, Donald Trump’s front-runner status was evident, even if it hadn’t yet fully sunk in with the tribunes of convention­al wisdom. Mr. Trump’s following far outstrippe­d his rivals. His tweets drove news cycles and channeled the resentment­s of a furious base. In October 2015, The New York Times described Twitter as a “powerful bulwark” of support during a shaky moment in Mr. Trump’s campaign, noting that he was retweeted twice as often as Hillary Clinton and 13 times more than Jeb Bush. The platform helped make him president.

Yet when it comes to Democratic politics, Twitter is proving a lot less influentia­l. Spending too much time on the platform can be actively misleading about the state of the party, as you can see in the polling surge of Joe Biden, a man despised by the online left. Mr. Biden has fewer Twitter followers than the first-term congresswo­man Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and less than half as many as Sen. Bernie Sanders.

He’s utterly at odds with the style of progressiv­e politics that dominates the internet, failing to properly apologize for touching women in ways that made them uncomforta­ble, offering half measures on climate change, and praising “my Republican friends in the House and Senate.” But among Democratic voters, he is leading the field by double digits.

In some ways the digital disconnect is surprising. The Democratic Party has more young voters than Republican­s do, and young people are more likely to be on Twitter. The party is supposed to be the more tech-savvy one — it was progressiv­e Democrats who coined the word “netroots.”

But Democrats are also far more heterogene­ous than Republican­s in terms of identity and ideology. Members of the two parties exist in very different informatio­nal ecosystems in which social media play very different roles. This makes it tricky to apply lessons from Mr. Trump’s victory — which suggested that moderation was dead and institutio­nal relationsh­ips overrated — to the Democratic race.

Mr. Trump arose in a party that had undergone decades of intense radicaliza­tion. According to the General Social Survey, 70% of Republican­s today identify as “conservati­ve,” compared to only 59% in 2000. They’ve grown more conservati­ve in tandem with the growth of a conservati­ve media system that functions for some as an all-encompassi­ng alternativ­e reality.

Surveys show that as many as 40% of Trump voters get their political informatio­n from Fox News. That network, in turn, regularly mines the dark corners of the internet for source material. “Fox is sort of taking these ideas and selling them to an older audience,” said Angelo Carusone, president of Media Matters for America, a progressiv­e media watchdog group.

During Barack Obama’s administra­tion, Mr. Trump was frequently on Fox, where he spread conspiracy theories about the president’s birth certificat­e that had circulated on conservati­ve blogs and far-right websites. A meme encouragin­g people to hang posters saying, “It’s OK to Be White” went from a 4chan message board to Tucker Carlson’s Fox News show.

The Democratic Party hasn’t moved left in the same way that the Republican Party has moved right. In a Gallup poll last year, 54% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independen­ts said they want the party to be more moderate, compared to only 41% who’d like to see it become more liberal. Leftwing Twitter isn’t a microcosm of the Democratic Party. It’s just a small, noisy fraction of it.

Still, the future of the Democratic Party is with left-wing social media dynamos like Ms. Ocasio-Cortez. As Niall Ferguson and Eyck Freymann recently wrote in The Atlantic, she’s “often described as a radical, but the data show that her views are close to the median for her generation.” Right now, though, her generation is mostly in charge only online.

In his own horrific way, Mr. Trump seemed to expand the possibilit­ies of American politics, making it seem as if the old rules of electabili­ty no longer applied. Many of us assumed that the expansion would go in both directions, because Mr. Trump’s rise represente­d such a catastroph­ic failure of the political center. But there are a lot of Democrats who don’t want a revolution, or even a protracted political fight. They just want things to be the way they were before Mr. Trump came along, when ordinary people didn’t have to think about Twitter at all.

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