Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Citizens United has transforme­d politics

Individual donors have been able to displace the power of political parties

- David M. Shribman is a former and now emeritus executive editor of the Post-Gazette and a nationally syndicated columnist. He is a visiting professor at McGill University in Montreal (dshribman@post-gazette.com). DAVID M. SHRIBMAN

Ten years ago, an earthquake rumbled through this city and then beyond the Capitol Beltway, sending shock waves into presidenti­al politics and even into the state legislatur­es. It changed the way candidates campaigned and almost certainly altered who won those campaigns. It spawned an important debate about the role of money in politics and perhaps an even more significan­t debate about the nature of free expression in a free society.

Few Supreme Court decisions have had the immediate effect on the structure of American civic life as Citizens United vs. FEC, which set in motion substantia­l changes in how campaigns are financed, disrupted the power of the establishe­d parties, boosted the influence of individual donors making independen­t contributi­ons and — surprise! — increased the power of labor unions at the expense of major corporatio­ns.

“Politics was always a money game,” said former Labor Secretary Robert B. Reich, who now teaches at the University of California, Berkeley. “But after Citizens United, money had the potential of being a flood, and getting rid of it became far harder to do.”

In its wake, Citizens United has transforme­d individual­s such as Sheldon Adelson, of Las Vegas Sands (who made $122.3 million in contributi­ons during the 2018 midterm congressio­nal elections), and two current presidenti­al candidates — former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who made $95 million in 2018 contributi­ons, and entreprene­ur Tom Steyer, who made $72.8 million in contributi­ons — into the new power brokers of American politics.

But it isn’t only the big funders. Overall, individual­s contribute­d more than $294 million to campaigns in 2014, four years after the Citizens United decision. That amount jumped to $1.1 billion two years later, representi­ng two out of every three dollars in the election that year. The ruling has undermined the power and influence of party campaign committees, as recently as a decade ago major providers of campaign funding and, just as significan­t, important sources of influence on the content of House and Senate races and the selection of candidates for those positions. With independen­t contributi­ons by individual­s far surpassing the amounts provided by the two parties, candidates no longer are subject to the discipline of party leaders, leading to far more populist candidates in House races and the diminution of party discipline.

“The post-Citizens United regulatory environmen­t has clearly led to a change in the sources of campaign money, with a substantia­l share of funding now coming from entities that are not subject to contributi­on limits,” according to a report by the Committee for Economic developmen­t of the business-oriented Conference Board. “This is primarily due to the rise of Super PACs, which have become the primary recipients of unlimited contributi­ons.”

The flood of big-corporatio­n contributi­ons into presidenti­al and congressio­nal campaigns never materializ­ed. Not one major corporatio­n made an independen­t expenditur­e in the past two election cycles. Publicly held corporatio­ns accounted for less than one percent of total Super PAC contributi­ons in 2016. Trade associatio­ns have been even less prominent, also accounting for less than 1% in 2016, with almost all of it coming from one group, the National Associatio­n of Realtors.

One study found that the decision, and the changes in campaign financing it prompted, bolstered the prospects of Republican incumbents in state-legislativ­e contents and discourage­d potential Democratic candidates to enter legislativ­e contests. “In the long run,” according to the study published in the Journal of Law and Economics, “this change has the potential to influence a wide range of policies.”

With all the data that has flowed about the sources of bigmoney individual contributi­ons, the donations made by nonprofits are more opaque than ever — and perhaps more influentia­l than ever. “The black hole of Citizens United has been the fact that nonprofit organizati­ons now can make independen­t contributi­ons without making disclosure­s,” said Anthony Corrado, a Colby College political theorist who is regarded as a leading expert in campaign finance. “Since the ruling there’s been a dramatic decline in the nonprofit groups that disclose their donors.”

Criticism of Citizens United has only grown since the ruling was handed down a decade ago.

“This is not improving the democratic process but instead is weakening it,” says Steve Westley, a former comptrolle­r of California who was the state’s co-chair for Barack Obama and now is raising money for the presidenti­al campaign of former Vice President Joe Biden “It is enabling small groups of the very wealthy of the right and left to have undue influence over politics.”

Former Rep. James Leach, for 20 years a Republican member of the House who now teaches at the University of Iowa, argues that the decision “undermines the functionin­g of democracy.” Former Gov. Michael S. Dukakis of Massachuse­tts, the 1988 Democratic presidenti­al nominee adds: “After all the battles we’ve had over campaign finance, the court comes along and says what the Constituti­on did not say, which is that money is speech.”

That has prompted one of the great debates in American history — and a fresh movement for a constituti­onal amendment to overturn the Citizens United decision.

That proposed amendment includes a statement that its goal is to “advance democratic self-government and political equality, and to protect the integrity of government and the electoral process.” It would permit Congress and the states to regulate and set “reasonable limits on the raising and spending of money by candidates and others to influence elections.”

The effort has the support of the historian Doris Kearns Goodwin and former Republican Sen. Olympia Snowe, of Maine.

“There is no question anoint the trend and changes that have occurred with money in general, no matter whether it comes from billionair­es or corporatio­ns or labor unions,” said Jeff Clements, president of American Promise, a bipartisan group heading the effort to pass the amendment. “The money isn’t coming from ordinary Americans.”

On that there is no disagreeme­nt.

“The rise in the number of individual donors and the concentrat­ion of giving among a select group of them,” according to a Bipartisan Policy Center study by scholars affiliated with the New York University and Stanford law schools, “reflects a broader trend in the campaign finance system toward participat­ion by individual­s and ideologica­l organizati­ons chiefly funded by individual­s, as opposed to other types or economic interests.”

That is the new reality, created by the Supreme Court — but mastered by individual donors who increasing­ly are displacing the power of the ancient political parties.

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