Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Trump may be guilty, but can anyone convict him?

- Doyle McManus Doyle McManus is a columnist for the Los Angeles Times. Readers may contact him at doyle.mcmanus@latimes.com. His previDo the Democrats want to lose in Ohio?

Will Trump be held legally accountabl­e for the events of January 6, just as more than 900 of his followers who stormed the Capitol have been? “Ours is not a system of justice where foot soldiers go to jail, and the mastermind­s and ringleader­s get a pass,” Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Md., a member of the committee, said last week.

Perhaps, but former prosecutor­s warn these cases may not be as easy as they look.

To nudge the Justice Department toward indictment­s, the committee offered four federal charges that could be brought against Trump: Inciting or assisting an insurrecti­on; conspiring to defraud the United States; obstructin­g an official proceeding; and conspiring to make a false statement.

Insurrecti­on, the House committee’s boldest charge, could be the least likely. The committee argued that Trump not only incited the storming of the Capitol, but also gave the insurrecti­on “aid and comfort” by failing to intervene to end it.

“That’s the toughest case — the one I think no prosecutor will ever bring,” said Norman Eisen, who was a counsel to the House Judiciary Committee when it impeached Trump in 2019. “Hard to prove, and rare,” agreed Paul Rosenzweig, a former prosecutor who worked in Republican administra­tions.

He listed three problems: “It brings legal interpreta­tion risks,” including over whether the Jan. 6 riot qualifies as an insurrecti­on. “It relies mostly on an act of omission,” Trump’s failure to quickly urge his followers to stand down. “And to the extent it is an incitement case,” he said, “it has First Amendment issues.”

Federal prosecutor­s prefer cases that are easy to win, which means easy to prove to a jury. That’s not simply a matter of profession­al vanity or risk aversion. Justice Department regulation­s require prosecutor­s to consider whether a case is likely to produce a conviction before they bring an indictment.

“As a criminal prosecutor, you’re looking for slam-dunks,” said Eisen. Rosenzweig said: “For a jury, simpler is better — always.”

To former prosecutor­s, and presumably current prosecutor­s too, the House committee’s argument for charging Trump with insurrecti­on sounded like a declaratio­n before history, not a practical suggestion.

One of the committee’s other recommende­d charges, conspiracy to defraud the United States, also comes with problems. “It is big and burly, with lots of spokes,” Rosenzweig said, listing three: “Electors” — Trump’s campaign to produce slates of bogus electors from states Joe Biden won; “pressure on Pence” — Trump’s attempts to bully his vice president into overturnin­g the result; and “influence on the Justice Department.”

“That’s an eight-week trial, minimum,” he said. “It hits the mark, but is hard to prove.”

An easier and more attractive charge, several prosecutor­s said, is obstructio­n of an official proceeding — for Trump’s attempts to prevent Congress’ formal count of electoral votes. “It’s pretty easy to describe in a common-sense way to a jury,” said Donald B. Ayer, a former Justice Department official under President George H.W. Bush.

“A good charge, easier to prove, as (it’s) focused just on the electoral count,” said Rosenzweig.

The easiest of all, prosecutor­s said, could be a recommende­d charge that has received relatively little attention until now: conspiracy to make a false statement, based on the effort to send Congress bogus electors who would vote for Trump.

“It’s a relatively simple case,” said Eisen. “You have a smoking gun in the form of the electoral slates. There’s plenty of evidence that Trump and his lawyers undertook that process for improper reasons.”

“Easy peasy,” said Rosenzweig. Still, the lawyers said, if you’re looking for the cases most likely to put Trump in the dock, look elsewhere.

The first case that Jack Smith, the Justice Department’s special counsel, brings may stem from the Mar-a-Lago investigat­ion — the probe of Trump’s unauthoriz­ed storage of thousands of government documents, many of them classified, at his Florida estate. “Simple and straightfo­rward,” Eisen said.

Even before the Mar-a-Lago cases come to a head, Trump may face state charges in Georgia, where a county prosecutor is investigat­ing the former president’s demand that state officials “find” just enough votes to overturn Biden’s victory there.

That grand jury is already writing its final report on whether Trump’s actions violated a Georgia law prohibitin­g solicitati­on of election fraud.

So it’s increasing­ly likely that Trump will face criminal proceeding­s as soon as next year. Just don’t expect them to look like the ambitious charges the House committee proposed in last week’s report.

 ?? Mark Lennihan/Associated Press ?? Donald Trump, chairman and CEO of the Trump Organizati­on, poses with his children, from left, Eric, Donald Jr. and Ivanka, at the opening of the Trump SoHo New York on April 9, 2010. Donald Trump’s company was convicted of tax fraud on Dec. 6 for a scheme by top executives to avoid paying personal income taxes on perks such as apartments and luxury cars. As punishment, the Trump Organizati­on could be fined up to $1.6 million.
Mark Lennihan/Associated Press Donald Trump, chairman and CEO of the Trump Organizati­on, poses with his children, from left, Eric, Donald Jr. and Ivanka, at the opening of the Trump SoHo New York on April 9, 2010. Donald Trump’s company was convicted of tax fraud on Dec. 6 for a scheme by top executives to avoid paying personal income taxes on perks such as apartments and luxury cars. As punishment, the Trump Organizati­on could be fined up to $1.6 million.

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