Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Martin Luther King, Jr., showed that leftists can make the best patriots

- Julian E. Zelizer Julian E. Zelizer is a historian at Princeton University.

Since the early 20th century, left-wing activists and politician­s have attacked the ways that racism, classism, nativism, sexism, Islamophob­ia and other forms of social injustice have been inscribed into the national culture and institutio­ns. The left also has criticized the ways U.S. policymake­rs have exercised power overseas.

Few moments better captured the potential harmony between dissent from the left and patriotism than King’s “I Have a Dream” speech on Aug. 28, 1963.

The March on Washington — which drew approximat­ely 250,000 people — aimed to advance racial and economic justice, while pressuring Congress into moving forward with the civil rights bill that President John F. Kennedy had finally sent to Capitol Hill after years of hesitation.

Although today the march is recalled as a proud moment, at the time, many Americans viewed King and the civil rights movement as a radical threat. As historian Glenda Gilmore explains, “Conservati­ve and mainstream politician­s smeared King as a communist throughout his career,” while condemning civil rights protests. According to one Gallup Poll conducted in 1963, a whopping 78 percent of White Americans admitted that they would leave their neighborho­od if a Black family moved in, while 60 percent expressed a critical outlook about the march.

The buildup to the march was tense, with Kennedy administra­tion officials working to avoid unrest or speeches that would be too provocativ­e. At their behest, organizers pressured speakers such as John Lewis, the head of the Student Nonviolent Coordinati­ng Committee, to cut parts of their talks that called for radical economic changes.

Despite these changes, the protest and the speeches represente­d a radical critique of the nation’s political and legal institutio­ns, one that horrified many on the right. Sen. Strom Thurmond (S.C.), who switched parties from Democratic to Republican in 1964 over opposition to civil rights, asserted that the march “distorted in the eyes of the whole world the view of freedom as it actually exists in America.”

Yet King refused to let conservati­ves like Thurmond claim patriotism as their own. He charged that the people promoting racism, not those crusading for equal rights, were the real threat to the nation.

During his speech, King underscore­d that the civil rights movement believed in the promise of the United States and embraced the fundamenta­ls of the American experiment.

He rooted the movement in Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipati­on Proclamati­on and explained that it was tragic that “100 years later the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregatio­n and the chains of discrimina­tion.”

The movement had come to Washington, King said, to “cash a check” that the Founders themselves had written. This “promissory note” was for “the unalienabl­e rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” for all Americans, “Black men as well as White men.” Instead of living up to this “sacred obligation,” the United States had to that point “given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked insufficie­nt funds.”

But King refused to sell the United States short, “to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt” or that there were “insufficie­nt funds in the great vaults of opportunit­y of this nation.”

When he reached the especially famous portion of the address, he explained that his dream was “deeply rooted in the American Dream.” He wanted the United States to “rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

Far from wanting to malign or hurt the United States, King wanted to perfect it. The march left Sen. Hubert Humphrey (DMinn.), soon to be vice president, more encouraged “that democracy could work,” than any other day in his career. Eugene Patterson, editor of the Atlanta Constituti­on, also recognized the patriotism at the core of the march. The people gathered expressed their fundamenta­l belief that the government could still be “a reliable instrument of, by and for the people.”

And in fact, the pressure from the civil rights movement helped ensure passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the 1965 Voting Rights Act and the 1968 Open Housing Act, now considered crucial achievemen­ts in American history.

King’s most famous speech reminds us that no inherent barrier separates patriotism from dissent that assails the United States for not living up to its values.

As Washington Post columnist E.J. Dionne wrote, “Progressiv­es love our country so much that we know it’s strong enough to acknowledg­e how racism, nativism, religious prejudice, and other forms of injustice and intoleranc­e are embedded in our nation’s story.”

King’s moving oration in August 1963 and its aftermath demonstrat­e how working to address these flaws has often led the United States closer to the most fundamenta­l promises embedded in the Founders’ vision for the nation.

 ?? Associated Press ?? Martin Luther King Jr. speaks in Atlanta in 1960.
Associated Press Martin Luther King Jr. speaks in Atlanta in 1960.

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