Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

The right’s desperate, defensive, destructiv­e war on ‘wokeness’

- Michelle Goldberg Michelle Goldberg is a New York Times columnist.

Leonard Leo, a leader of the right-wing Federalist Society, hopes to transform American culture the way he transforme­d the judiciary. As Donald Trump’s adviser on judicial nomination­s, he helped put Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett on the Supreme Court, making him central to the demise of Roe v. Wade.

Now he wants to build a new organizati­on helping reactionar­ies consolidat­e power in realms like Wall Street, Silicon Valley, journalism, Hollywood and academia. “I just said to myself, ‘If this can work for law, why can’t it work for lots of other areas of American culture and American life where things are really messed up right now?’” Leo said in a video for the organizati­on at the heart of his strategy, the Teneo Network, reported by ProPublica and Documented.

That includes “wokeism in the corporate environmen­t, in the educationa­l environmen­t,” biased media and “entertainm­ent that is really corrupting our youth.”

He has access to enormous resources; last year a conservati­ve financier donated around $1.6 billion to a darkmoney group that he controls.

And since many elites resent the congeries of behavioral norms and linguistic innovation­s denigrated as wokeness, the Teneo Network will start from a place of strength, pushing on an open door.

But while Leo’s grandiose project could pose a danger to liberalism, it is also a sign of existentia­l crisis on the right. It demonstrat­es how conservati­ves are relying on fantastica­l ideas about wokeness to tie together a movement that has otherwise lost much of its raison d’être.

After all, the nearly 50-year project of ending Roe is complete. Stirring crusades against Communism and then against radical Islam have subsided. The cult of personalit­y around Trump has splintered. Many on the right would still like to obliterate the welfare state, but they’re deeply defensive about it. Hatred of wokeness is a brittle foundation for political identity, but it’s almost all that’s left.

Mike Pompeo, a former secretary of state and a possible presidenti­al candidate, recently tweeted, “Our internal threats — especially those trying to corrupt our kids with toxic wokeness — are more serious than our external threats.” Last week at the Conservati­ve Political Action Conference, the Republican presidenti­al candidate Nikki Haley said, “Wokeness is a virus more dangerous than any pandemic.”

Given that the COVID-19 pandemic has already killed over 1 million Americans, this is transparen­tly insane.

Such threat inflation is best explained by the right’s desperatio­n for a unifying enemy. But to support the weight they’re putting on wokeness, conservati­ves have had to create a hallucinat­ory conspiracy theory about how progressiv­e social change works.

Take, for example, a 2020 video that ProPublica and Documented surfaced, in which the Teneo Network’s co- founder Evan Baehr described how he believed the left operates. He asked his audience to imagine a luncheon at the Harvard Club featuring a billionair­e hedge funder, a movie producer, a Harvard professor and a writer for The New York Times.

“The billionair­e says, ‘Wouldn’t it be cool if middle school kids had free access to sex-change therapy paid for by the federal government?’” Baehr said. “Well, the filmmaker says, ‘I’d love to do a documentar­y on that; it will be a major motion film.’ The Harvard professor says, ‘We can do studies on that to say that’s absolutely biological­ly sound and safe.’ And the New York Times person says, ‘I’ll profile people who feel trapped in the wrong gender.’”

This may be how the organs of the right-wing counter-establishm­ent function, but it’s not how mainstream institutio­ns work. Baehr seems to believe that cultural edicts can be handed down as imperiousl­y as judicial opinions, so a handful of well-placed apparatchi­ks can redirect the zeitgeist.

The Federalist Society project was fairly straightfo­rward: Replace one set of judges with another. Trying to turn back social change across American life is a far trickier thing, especially when you don’t understand where that change is coming from.

None of this is to say that the war on wokeness can’t do enormous damage.

Laws are being passed all over the country targeting trans people, particular­ly trans kids, and the right’s language has turned openly eliminatio­nist. (One speaker at CPAC said, “Transgende­rism must be eradicated.”) America is enduring a wave of hysterical censorship. In Oklahoma, the state Senate just passed a bill banning material with “a predominan­t tendency to appeal to prurient interest in sex” from all public libraries, not just those in schools.

But I’m skeptical that anti-wokeness can be the basis for a durable mass movement. That’s not just because a recent USA Today poll found that a majority of Americans see the term “woke” positively, but because wokeness is too niche a concern.

The Federalist Society trained many young meritocrat­s who were willing to devote their lives to fighting legalized abortion. It’s hard to imagine the battle against neo-pronouns and the 1619 Project inspiring the same sort of single-minded intensity.

 ?? Jacquelyn Martin/Associated Press ?? Mike Pompeo
Jacquelyn Martin/Associated Press Mike Pompeo

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