Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Bank runs lead to political changes (a President Trump, for example)

- Athan Koutsiouro­umbas Athan Koutsiouro­umbas is a managing director at Long Nyquist and Associates and a former congressio­nal chief of staff (on Twitter @Athan_K).

In bucolic Indiana, Pennsylvan­ia, residents have started an “It’s a Wonderful Life Festival.” The town’s Christmas celebratio­n commemorat­es both favorite son Jimmy Stewart, who starred in the iconic movie, and the story’s message of redemption and hope.

In the film, a bank run threatens to devastate an affordable­housing business run by George Bailey, Stewart’s character. The Great Depression has come to Bedford Falls. With over 9,000 banks failing during that period, bank runs were common.

For nearly 100 years since, the federal government has insured bank depositors for the purpose of stopping bank runs, which have historical­ly triggered economic depression­s. That decision was part of a sweeping political movement in response to the financial crisis of the 1930s: the New Deal.

Could a political movement arise from the recent failure of Silicon Valley Bank, which collapsed in mere hours? That question may be best answered by looking to the distant past.

Political issues come and go, but financial panics create political movements because they hit Americans directly, in their bank accounts. Voters pay attention. The movement that results from this panic will depend ultimately on whom voters blame for it. That scapegoat, whether real or imagined, will determine where on the political spectrum the movement leans.

In what came to be known as the “Bank War,” President Andrew Jackson made it his mission to dismantle the U.S. National Bank, which many blamed for triggering the Panic of 1819. Elected in 1828, the nation’s first populist president consolidat­ed a political base against federal overreach. He succeeded by stopping the bank from being rechartere­d.

Near the end of the nineteenth century, the Panic of 1893 catapulted an unknown congressma­n from Nebraska to the Democratic Party’s 1896 presidenti­al nomination. Comparing the economic plight of common Americans to a crucifixio­n, William Jennings Bryan heralded the arrival of the Progressiv­e Era, which would legislate against the excesses of the Gilded Age.

A decade and a half later, the Panic of 1907 gave Democrats momentum to seize unified control of Congress and the White House. Signed into law in 1913 by President Woodrow Wilson, the Federal Reserve Bank created a nationaliz­ed system to regulate banking. Wilson’s presidency would be the pinnacle of the Progressiv­e Era.

In 1929, the stock market’s Black Tuesday triggered a series of bank runs that cratered the American economy. The ensuing destitutio­n deeply scarred a generation of Americans and realigned the electorate, which chose Franklin D. Roosevelt to implement the New Deal — the largest expansion of the federal government in American history.

A half-century later, stagflatio­n — inflation without economic growth — during the Carter administra­tion culminated with a run on First Pennsylvan­ia Bank in 1980, resulting in the third-largest bank bailout in American history. Voters’ response was to launch the Reagan Revolution, which would attempt to pare back the New Deal. A former New Dealer himself, Reagan advocated for the restoratio­n of federalism as the key to economic stability and growth.

The Great Recession of 2008 was triggered by a banking failure totaling trillions of dollars. The federal response, the Troubled Assets Relief Program, sought to backstop the failing financial system — but its massivenes­s also helped give rise to the Tea Party, which preached a small-government ethos. In 2016, that conservati­ve political movement would help elect Donald Trump, who campaigned against the excesses of a federal government in which millions of Americans had lost faith.

Each of these six major financial panics launched a political movement. Americans were evenly split on choosing conservati­ve and liberal solutions to the financial challenges they faced. The response to the Panic of 2023 will be the tiebreaker.

At $319 billion and counting, the failures of Silicon Valley Bank and Signature Bank alone in the last two weeks are already on par with the entire 2008 financial crisis, which saw 25 banks failing, with $373 billion in combined assets. And with $620 billion of unrealized losses that triggered this crisis still pending, we may be just getting started.

What path policymake­rs will choose this time around is unclear. The country has never been more evenly split politicall­y. Meanwhile, the regulatory system has attempted to stem the tide without the involvemen­t of Congress or the White House. A political reconcilia­tion, in other words, has been deferred.

Many Americans continue to identify government itself as the top non-economic issue they face. Inflation, a problem created by government, is their top economic problem. Most Americans believe the federal government is too big and doing too much. In places like real-life Indiana, Pennsylvan­ia or fictional Bedford Falls, it is abundantly clear that Americans have lost faith in their leading institutio­ns.

“You sit around here and you spin your little webs and you think the whole world revolves around you and your money,” George Bailey tells his antagonist in “It’s a Wonderful Life.” In American politics, realignmen­ts begin because the world revolves around voters and their money.

 ?? Getty Images ?? People line up outside of the shuttered Silicon Valley Bank (SVB) headquarte­rs on March 10, in Santa Clara, California.
Getty Images People line up outside of the shuttered Silicon Valley Bank (SVB) headquarte­rs on March 10, in Santa Clara, California.

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