Texas hits 1,000 days under COVID order
Thursday marked 1,000 days that Texans have been living under Gov. Greg Abbott’s public health disaster proclamation — an era of unprecedented gubernatorial authority for the state’s chief executive, triggered by the March 2020 scramble to contain the COVID-19 pandemic that continues to kill Texans every day.
The entire nation remains under a federal public health emergency at least through the winter season, which experts say could bring another wave of infections as families gather indoors for the holidays, immunity dips or virus variants sidestep older vaccines.
But after more than 92,000 deaths and 8 million COVID-19 cases in Texas in the 32 months since the declaration was made, the state remains one of fewer than a dozen still under a statewide declared disaster or public health emergency.
The proclamations give executive branches more power to quickly respond to disaster situations that are too urgent to wait for the usual bureaucratic wheels to grind into action.
In Texas, the disaster declaration gives Abbott’s executive orders — normally nonbinding — the weight of law.
Using them, he has the ability to suspend any regulatory statute or state agency rule without legislative approval, transfer money between agencies without legislative oversight, commandeer private property and use state and local government resources, evacuate populations and restrict the movement of the people, among other things.
Dec. 18 deadline
In most states where the proclamations are still active, including Texas, Colorado, Illinois and Delaware, they are set to expire in December unless state leaders renew them.
Abbott has until Dec. 18, when his current 30-day order expires, to decide whether to let it lapse or renew it until mid-january — a week after the start of the Legislature, for which at least one bill already has been filed to weaken the governor’s powers during disasters.
The declaration was first made on March 13, 2020, and has been renewed 32 times since.
At the time of the initial declaration, 80 Texans had confirmed or suspected cases of COVID-19. No deaths had been reported yet.
Under the public health disaster order, Abbott has made several unilateral decisions in response to the pandemic.
He extended the length of early voting in 2020 to help thin out Election Day crowds.
He enacted mask mandates; directed state agencies to offer work-fromhome options to employees; closed bars, gyms, nail salons and other businesses during one of the early surges; banned elective surgeries; limited longterm care visits; and capped venue occupancy until later removing those limits and banning cities from enacting them.
In his entire tenure as governor, Abbott has issued 42 executive orders.
Most of them — 35 so far — are Covid-related and carry the weight of law. Only seven of them, none of which were binding, came in the four years before the pandemic hit.
His most enduring actions under the disaster declaration are a ban on cities and counties from enacting mask ordinances, vaccine mandates and occupancy restrictions — a provision that seems popular with most Texas Republican lawmakers and one of the main reasons Abbott’s office says he keeps renewing the disaster declaration.
The landslide of executive orders was indeed a show of power, but it was also reflective of the knowledge void surrounding the pandemic as authorities tried to match policy to the ebb and flow of the virus — its spread, what was known about it and the ever-changing economic and social landscape that emerged because of it, according to Randall Erben, a law professor at the University of Texas at Austin and a former assistant secretary of state who served as legislative director for Abbott during his first year as governor.
“We have a playbook for hurricanes,” Erben said. “With COVID, there was no playbook. … And as the surges came and went, and the public health threat increased and waned, those orders kind of reflected that.”
Abbott spokesperson Renae Eze said in an email that he doesn’t see how Abbott’s ability to govern or to respond to the pandemic would benefit from ending the proclamation — and lawmakers don’t seem particularly motivated to fight with Abbott over it.
Five declarations
Texas is under five disaster declarations: the COVID-19 disaster, as well as declarations triggered by the drought, the school shooting in Uvalde, the situation at the Texas-mexico border and wildfires.
If the Legislature had a problem with disaster declarations and Abbott’s behavior under them, it could have rebuked him with legislation in 2021 that would have curtailed his powers in disasters, or it could have required legislative action to declare a disaster or even ended the proclamation.
No such bills made it to his desk.
Some Abbott critics say the time has come, however, for the declaration to die, that the pandemic no longer is considered an emergency given that rates have dropped and stayed low in recent months — and that Abbott is simply hanging on to his outsized executive authority for as long as he can.
Michael Quinn Sullivan, a conservative and frequent critic of Abbott’s use of the disaster declaration, called the reasons given behind the continuance of the declaration “nonsensical” and chided “defenders of the status quo” in a Twitter thread this week.
“He (Abbott) doesn’t explain why he has continued in 30-day increments to declare an emergency no one sees here, or in 39 other states, or what would trigger an ‘end’ to the emergency he perceives,” wrote Sullivan, who publishes the conservative Texas Scorecard.
Jerry Patterson, a Republican former Texas state senator and general land commissioner, retorted, again on Twitter: “I ask again, name one restriction on Texan’s liberty, just one, currently in place by Abbott.”
But it’s not all about politics, either.
The declaration also has had some social benefits, allowing the governor and the Texas Health and Human Services Commission to extend emergency food assistance for needy families without additional oversight, among other actions, advocates say.
Those payments, administered through the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, were bolstered during the pandemic under action made possible by the disaster declaration, “and we are very grateful for it,” said Rachel Cooper, director of health and food justice at Every Texan, a progressive think tank.
Disclosure: Every Texan, Rice University and the University of Texas at Austin have been financial supporters of the Texas Tribune. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism.
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