San Diego Union-Tribune (Sunday)

COMEY’S CASE STUDY

- HENRY OLSEN The Washington Post Olsen is on Twitter, @henryolsen­epppc. Columns with varying views of this subject ran Thursday through today.

The two special counsels separately investigat­ing the improper possession of classified documents by President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump have difficult tasks in determinin­g whether to recommend criminal charges against the two men.

Fortunatel­y, they have a good example they can follow: THEN-FBI Director James Comey’s decision in 2016 not to recommend charges for Democratic presidenti­al nominee Hillary Clinton.

In case that episode has mercifully escaped your memory, here’s a recap: When Clinton served as secretary of state, she used a private email server in her home to handle official business, despite federal records rules. The FBI was charged with investigat­ing the matter, and then-attorney General Loretta Lynch announced that she would accept whatever recommenda­tions Comey and his team made to avoid any appearance of partiality.

Comey’s decision not to recommend criminal charges for Clinton brought howls from Republican­s. It was suspect, given the significan­t amount of evidence that she had mishandled classified materials. But it was surely the correct political decision for all concerned. Comey released that evidence to the public and criticized Clinton for her handling of the emails, giving the American people the knowledge they needed to assess for themselves her indiscreti­on. This meant that the public — not the courts — would decide Clinton’s fate.

That is surely the best way forward in both the Biden and Trump cases. To the average person, Trump’s violation looks essentiall­y the same as Biden’s. Indicting Trump but not Biden would create a political uproar. But Biden’s status as a sitting president precludes him from charges, per long-standing Justice Department policy, and naming him as an unindicted co-conspirato­r would also inflame the people. Looking to the law to settle what is essentiall­y a political dispute might be sound jurisprude­nce, but it would be detrimenta­l to our democracy.

This is why both special counsels should follow the Comey precedent. They can thoroughly investigat­e the cases and publicly detail what they found. They can also note the degree of culpabilit­y for each man and then let voters decide how important these facts are as they decide whether to elect them in 2024.

Some might say this would violate the rule of law, but that’s not so. The fundamenta­l basis for the rule of law is that it replaces the rule of people. People can be prejudiced, especially when their interests are at stake. James Madison highlighte­d the importance of this doctrine in Federalist 10, in which he wrote, “no man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause; because his interest would certainly bias his judgment.” Similarly, no one who holds the fate of a presidenti­al candidate in their hands is immune from that temptation to act in the interests of their party, regardless of their status as an “independen­t” special prosecutor.

This is especially true in these cases, which are essentiall­y process crimes. No one contends that either man intended harm to the nation, nor has it been establishe­d that any harm

People rule in democracie­s.

resulted from the removal of classified documents from secure areas. It might be true that an average person caught in possession of such documents would go to jail, but it’s also true that such individual­s have less need of such materials and live in less secure surroundin­gs. Moreover, the threat of imprisonme­nt can disincenti­ve others from taking classified documents. But there’s little need to put a former president through the wringer to disincenti­vize future former presidents from doing the same thing.

Establishi­ng a “Comey rule” would not mean that former presidents are above the law. To borrow an example from Trump, if he shot someone on Fifth Avenue, the public interest in punishing him would be clear, and there would be no question over the prosecutor’s motives.

Similarly, if an investigat­ion found, for example, that Biden used his son Hunter as a cover to sell perceived access to the vice presidency (no such evidence has been found), then the public’s interest would override any political concerns of prosecutio­n.

But that’s simply not the case in either case being investigat­ed by the special counsels. In democracie­s, the people rule. The special prosecutor­s should present their cases to voters, and they can decide these men’s fates.

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