Alvarez-Gómez contest is reflective of Calif. politics

The election to fill the San Diego Assembly seat vacated by Lorena Gonzalez has statewide implications and subplots galore.

The contest between David Alvarez and Georgette Gómez, both Democrats and former San Diego City Council members, is an example of how powerful political interests have adapted over the years to California continually becoming a deeper shade of blue.

Some time ago, business and labor would pick their candidates, typically a Republican vs. Democrat, respectively. But the demise of the Republican Party in California and dominance of Democrats in Sacramento gave business little choice in many races but to back the most businessfriendly, or perhaps least objectionable, Democrat.

But the Gómez-Alvarez contest takes the familiar business-labor proxy war to a higher level, in large part because of Gonzalez, who stepped down from her 80th District seat earlier this year to become head of the California Labor Federation beginning in July. Gonzalez and much of organized labor is backing Gómez, while business groups have thrown in with Alvarez.

Further, there may be lingering bad blood between Gonzalez and Alvarez stretching back more than a decade.

Prolific fundraising by the candidates and expenditures for and against them by independent committees will make this a multimillion-dollar campaign when it’s all over in November.

Perhaps the most curious campaign spending is by the Republican Party of San Diego County targeting Gómez, which, in theory, could help Alvarez. The effort by the Gómez camp to draw attention to that suggests they believe it could hurt him in the overwhelmingly Democratic district in southern San Diego.

As of midweek, the local GOP reported spending more than $14,500 against

Gómez, though it’s unclear exactly on what. The party isn’t talking about it.

“We do not comment on campaign strategy or activities,” Jordan Gason, executive director of the local party, said in an email.

It’s not unusual for political parties to attack strong candidates of the opposition party or promote weaker ones they believe will be easier to defeat in general elections. But it’s rare, if not unheard of, for a party to spend money in a race where they don’t have a candidate, or at least a viable one.

For his part, Alvarez said he was surprised to learn of the GOP spending, but doesn’t give it much thought.

He said he follows the advice he has given other candidates: “You can only control what you can control.”

Alvarez rejects the notion from critics that he abandoned his Democratic principles to become the business candidate, but added that he is reaching out to a broad array of interests and voters.

“I’m not afraid to talk to people who aren’t Democrats,” he said.

Now, there is a complex wrinkle in all of this. On the June 7 ballot, Alvarez and Gómez are the only two candidates running in the special election for the existing 80th Assembly District to fill the remainder of Gonzalez’s term through the end of the year. Both advanced from a special election primary in April.

They also are on the same ballot for a separate regular primary in the newly redrawn 80th, which overlaps some with the existing district. They are joined in that race by two long-shot Republicans: retired contractor and perennial candidate Lincoln Pickard and technology manager John Vogel Garcia, who has served on some South Bay park commissions and is endorsed by the Republican Party, according to votersedge.org.

The top two vote-getters in that election advance to the November general election, with the winner gaining a full two-year term beginning in December.

The local Republican spending appears to be aimed at both June elections. More than likely, the money is from one or more donors who have made clear to the party they want it spent against Gómez.

Both Alvarez and Gómez have deep roots in San Diego and similar political trajectories. They graduated from San Diego State University, worked as grassroots advocates, eventually won seats on the City Council and unsuccessfully ran for higher offices.

For years, both appeared to be Democrats in good standing and favorites of the party’s progressive wing and labor organizations — until now. Gómez still is, Alvarez not so much.

Political committees involving the California Chamber of Commerce, utilities, insurance, real estate and oil companies have contributed heavily to Alvarez and independent efforts to support him.

Similarly, labor groups have poured money into Gómez’s cause, along with consumer attorneys and environmentalists who have targeted Alvarez. According to Politico, more than a dozen Democratic state legislators have sent money to Gómez.

This kind of contest — big spending, Democrat vs. Democrat — is more likely this year than most due to a large number of open seats because lawmakers are hitting term limits, declining to run in reapportioned districts that are less favorable or seeking higher office, according to CalMatters.

“For interest groups with a stake in what happens under the state Capitol dome, that presents a rare opportunity to reshape California’s supermajority party and potentially influence state policy for years,” CalMatters wrote.

There may be a particular intensity to the 80th District race, however. Gonzalez was the most pro-labor Assembly member during her time in the Legislature and served as chair of the powerful Appropriations Committee. She held an iron lock on the district since winning a special election in 2013.

It would not be a good look if her chosen heir apparent falls short.

The business interests Gonzalez battled in Sacramento no doubt cherish the thought of defeating her candidate, not to mention helping elect someone more sympathetic to them than Gómez likely would be. It also could be a signal to other Democrats fearful of defying her.

On top of all that, there’s this: Alvarez edged out Nathan Fletcher, now a county supervisor, in the November 2013 mayoral race for a spot in the February 2014 runoff, where he lost to Republican Kevin Faulconer. Gonzalez, who was in a relationship with Fletcher, was one of his most influential supporters. They married in 2017.

The San Diego & Imperial Counties Labor Council endorsed Alvarez over Fletcher, a former Assembly member who not long before had left the Republican Party to become an independent then a Democrat. Years earlier, Gonzalez was the labor council’s top official.

While Alvarez benefitted from labor support, he also had backhanded support from some Republicans, who viewed him as the weaker opponent for Faulconer.

There’s more. When Alvarez was elected to the City Council in 2010, he was opposed by Gonzalez. Alvarez recently said that he later supported her Assembly election. That may seem magnanimous, but it was also practical because she was certain to win.

That’s a lot of history for one — sorry, two — Assembly elections this year.