San Francisco Chronicle - (Sunday)

California wrote the playbook to gut affirmativ­e action

- JUSTIN PHILLIPS COMMENTARY Reach Justin Phillips: jphillips@sfchronicl­e.com

After the Supreme Court’s conservati­ve majority gutted affirmativ­e action in higher education and effectivel­y ended raceconsci­ous admissions at colleges and universiti­es last month, the West Coast rebuke was swift.

California Democrats ripped conservati­ves. Higher education leaders in the state vowed that the ruling wouldn’t stop their efforts to ensure their campuses are “reflective of California­n’s rich and dynamic diversity,” according to a joint statement from California State University chancellor­s on June 29.

Gov. Gavin Newsom went so far as to say “right-wing activists — including those donning robes — are trying to take us back to the era of book bans and segregated campuses.”

But opponents of affirmativ­e action aren’t just in red states or black robes. Many of them live in California, where voters eliminated affirmativ­e action programs in public education, employment and government contracts at the ballot box in 1996, and then upheld their decision in 2020 by rejecting Propositio­n 16, which would have restored affirmativ­e action in the state.

If the recent Supreme Court ruling represente­d a long-awaited victory for conservati­ve groups, the playbook for it was written in California 27 years ago.

“California, which is supposed to be this liberal place, has had an explicit role in this chiseling away at affirmativ­e action in this country,” B.B. Bradley, a UC Hastings law student and former vice president of the school’s Black Law Students Associatio­n, told me. “For people complainin­g about the Supreme Court’s decision now, y’all missed the boat. We’ve already been fighting for crumbs in California.”

There’s more to the story, though. After a majority of California voters ended affirmativ­e action through 1996’s Propositio­n 209, state legislator­s and higher education administra­tors worked to blunt the loss of race-conscious considerat­ions in public school admissions.

Between 2001 and 2011, highachiev­ing high school seniors in

California were guaranteed admission to most UC campuses. This program helped curb the trend of declining college enrollment among kids from low-income families, which was exacerbate­d by Prop. 209. Admissions offices also started considerin­g other criteria outside of test scores when vetting applicants, like students’ personal histories and where their high schools were located.

In 2020, the same year voters rejected an opportunit­y to restore race-conscious initiative­s, the UC system nixed standardiz­ed test scores as an admission requiremen­t altogether, a move that accounts for hidden biases in tests like the SATs toward students who are white, male and from higher-income families.

These are just some of the progressiv­e initiative­s California has adopted to combat the effects of Prop. 209 and make college enrollment levels more equitable over the years. Still, Black and Latino students attend college at lower rates than their white and Asian peers, state education figures show.

Today, both the California Reparation­s Task Force and the San Francisco African American Reparation­s Advisory Committee recommend that the state Legislatur­e

and governor repeal Prop. 209 as one measure of reparation­s to Black people. Both groups know what our state’s recent history has made clear: if left up to voters, affirmativ­e action will remain a thing of the past in California.

“We’re talking about shifting the culture here. … How can California do things policy-wise that are progressiv­e and more humanitari­an,” said San Francisco attorney and California Reparation­s Task Force member Don Tamaki. “Getting a recommenda­tion like that approved is a winning-overhearts-and-minds thing.”

It’s also a messaging thing. While the passage of Prop. 209 harkens to a more conservati­ve era in California, the legislatio­n may have also benefited from people not completely understand­ing its objective.

Bradley explained that voters may have been duped into thinking they were backing something progressiv­e when they voted for the “California Civil Rights Initiative,” which contained terminolog­y similar to the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

“I don’t think a lot of people realized they were actually voting for a ban on affirmativ­e action at the time,” Bradley said.

It doesn’t help that 2020’s Prop. 16, which would have brought back affirmativ­e action, was also badly worded and left many voters scratching their heads.

But overall, the state’s debate over affirmativ­e action hasn’t evolved much since the 1990s. Well-organized opponents still argue that it undermines the concept of merit and is unfair. Those in favor still argue that it’s essential for ensuring racial and ethnic diversity in educationa­l institutio­ns.

After 27 long years of relentless efforts, California still hasn’t achieved true equity in college enrollment. And without affirmativ­e action, educationa­l institutio­ns in our state and beyond will continue having limited tools for leveling the playing field for students of color that don’t come from money and deserve to attend elite schools.

“We’re at a crossroads as a country. The case for the next 20 years is, do we go back to Jim Crow or do we go toward a racial democracy?” said University of San Francisco political science Professor James Taylor, who also serves on San Francisco’s reparation­s committee. “Right now it’s looking like Jim Crow.”

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