San Francisco Chronicle

Revising America’s sacred text

- By Christophe­r Phillips

Are Americans finally ready to unrig their constituti­onal system?

I’ve spent nearly the past decade traveling the United States and talking with people about the constituti­onal system, and I think the answer is yes.

My work on the question started in 2008, with an experiment called the Constituti­on Cafe. These were an evolution of the Socrates Cafe, public gatherings around the globe (from Tokyo to Sydney to Salt Lake City) that follow Socratic principles and served as spaces for friends and foes, intimates and strangers, to explore existentia­l problems, an exploratio­n that itself made people feel more bound to one another.

The Constituti­on Cafes are offbeat, miniature Constituti­onal Convention­s that bring together people of many ages, experience­s and perspectiv­es to hold thoughtful yet impassione­d exchanges about what we think the Constituti­on says on an array of matters. And about what we think, if we had our druthers, it should say.

This is a radical idea. Most Americans venerate the Constituti­on, even if many of us don’t actually seem to know what’s in it. It’s considered untouchabl­e, beyond reproach by us mere mortals, and this intimidati­ng ideal only serves to make us feel like the system it begets can never be changed, no matter how much it contribute­s to record levels of political apathy and anger.

But the document’s Framers weren’t so reluctant. I studied Jefferson (as well as Socrates) in college, and learned that he derided those who looked at constituti­ons “like the ark of the covenant, too sacred to be touched.” He believed that such people “ascribe to the men of the preceding age a wisdom more than human.” To him, “We might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors.”

Our Constituti­on Cafes have an “aspiration­al component,” as we put on our Framers’ hats and craft “new” constituti­onal articles. They also have an “activist” component — we ask ourselves and one another what we’re willing to do to make the big constituti­onal ideas we have in mind a reality. Far from a pretentiou­s intellectu­al exercise, with the “experts” sitting on a stage pontificat­ing to the masses, we all mix it up together.

When Constituti­on Cafe first got under way, we had a president who’d been a constituti­onal law professor. Even so, events were already prompting Americans to fret about the state and straits of our constituti­onal republic, which is supposed to be of the democratic variety that respects fundamenta­l individual rights. On Barack Obama’s watch, Occupy protesters were rousted and ousted from one public space after another in public spaces in U.S. municipali­ties. The thenmayor of Los Angeles, Antonio Villaraigo­sa, even chillingly declared after evicting Occupy activists, that he would create a sliver of a public “First Amendment zone.”

In our cafes, we saw a growing and pervasive preoccupat­ion, in communitie­s rural and urban, liberal and progressiv­e, conservati­ve and libertaria­n, with the philosophi­cal basis of democracy, and whether that basis had been undermined in our country. Many participan­ts were of the opinion that our republic would be unrecogniz­able to our Founding Fathers and Mothers.

In these conversati­ons, there has been widespread interest in privacy rights, and dismay over their dissipatio­n. This is due in large part to revelation­s about widespread government collection of phone-call data — followed by broader claims about data collection involving the omnipresen­t Internet and social media. This has prompted rich and anxious exchanges about the Fourth Amendment and how we should go about defining and delineatin­g a constituti­onal right for privacy in the 21st century.

I have also been in the midst of exploratio­ns throughout the country about whether corporatio­ns should enjoy the same First Amendment rights to free speech as individual­s, spurred in considerab­le measure by the Supreme Court decision on Citizens United vs.Federal Election Commission. In a similar vein, the Supreme Court’s 2014 “Hobby Lobby” decision that ex-

panded religious rights at the expense of constraini­ng Obamacare strictures has been a platform for deep probing of whether we’ve lost our way when it comes to our Founders’ original intent of keeping corporatio­ns at arm’s length in influencin­g the interlocki­ng concepts of citizenshi­p and personhood.

Lately, debates on subjects such as immigratio­n and the constituti­onality of sanctuary cities, on whether the Electoral College should be done away with, and on how the Constituti­on can drive (or serve as an obstacle to) campaign finance reform have been hot Constituti­on Cafe topics. And one issue that has been of perennial interest — namely, our Second Amendment rights (or lack thereof ) for citizens not serving in militias to bear arms — has become even more divisive.

Over the last six months, I’ve met Americans of quite varied political stripes who declaim that our system has become “rigged.” This is not in the puny, self-aggrandizi­ng way that Donald Trump uses it. For many Americans, “rigged” expresses the pervasive fear that Trump and his ilk will do away with all remaining vestiges of our system of checks and balances.

Of late, I’ve been making these inquiries broader, as part of an initiative I call Democracy Cafe (also the name of our nonprofit, which can be accessed either via DemocracyC­afe.org or SocratesCa­fe.com). We’re now asking ourselves what we can do to reverse antidemocr­atic trends and to “unrig” our system, so that the promise of our civic and political sphere becomes more aligned with actual practice and can once again serve as a space dedicated to the Jeffersoni­an idea of freedom.

While the Constituti­on remains our frame for discourse, we inquire into specific pressing matters. These include the continuing lack of adequate funding for a world-class education for our youngest citizens, the dearth of affordable and high-quality health care for one and all, the ever more forceful attempts to round up and deport even undocument­ed immigrants who make clear-cut contributi­ons to our nation and economy, and orchestrat­ed efforts by elected officials to spread misinforma­tion and disinforma­tion in order to demonize, polarize, intimidate and malign efforts to hold them accountabl­e.

We’ve become more proactive, not just discussing what our society has become, but designing ways to get us out of this morass.

And it has led to a complement­ary initiative, the Declaratio­n Project, that seeks to resurrect our rabble-rousing Spirit of ’76 by issuing mini-Declaratio­ns inspired by our original July 4,

As I carry on with the cafes, the questions recur. Has our Constituti­on — as Obama, former professor of constituti­onal law, maintains — “proved a sufficient defense against tyranny?” Do we need to use our Declaratio­n as a touchstone and “to heed Jefferson’s advice to engage in a revolution every two or three generation­s?”

All of us need to take a hard look in the mirror. We need to ask ourselves whether we are doing all we can, and must, to wrest our republic from those who aim to make a mockery of the sublime sacrifices of our Founding Fathers and Mothers, for the most self-serving and democracy-busting 1776, document.

One ongoing group within the project is composed of junior high students from a public charter school in downtown Philadelph­ia with ethnically diverse students. One, Jazmarie Vega, penned a “Declaratio­n of Independen­ce from Silence.” It goes: ends.

It’s time to quit asking ourselves what our country can do for us — the stock-in-trade of our president and his family and closest associates — and ask ourselves instead, more than ever, what we can do for our country. Before it’s too late.

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