Santa Fe New Mexican

May the SoulCycle boycott boost democracy

-

It has been an unsettling week for some of President Donald Trump’s political contributo­rs. On Tuesday, it was revealed that Stephen Ross, the billionair­e real estate developer whose firm owns SoulCycle and Equinox gym, was hosting a big-money fundraiser in support of Trump’s reelection campaign and the Republican National Committee on Friday, with ticket prices running as high as $250,000. This news did not sit well with many patrons of Equinox and SoulCycle, who took to social media to call for a boycott.

Lower down the donor ladder, 44 residents of San Antonio, Texas, who had contribute­d the maximum legal amount to Trump’s reelection campaign found themselves in the spotlight, after their names were tweeted Monday by Rep. Joaquin Castro, D-Texas, who declared himself “[s]ad to see so many” of his constituen­ts “fueling a campaign of hate that labels Hispanic immigrants as ‘invaders.’ ”

The particular­s of these two episodes differed, as did the public reactions. But

both touched on broader questions about the advantages and challenges of promoting campaign finance transparen­cy in the age of social media.

Scrambling to contain the fallout from the fundraiser news, Equinox and SoulCycle tried to draw a bright line between corporate policy and the personal politics of Ross. The companies posted statements on social media, dismissing him as “a passive investor” and assuring members that the companies are not involved with his fundraiser, that “no company profits are used to fund politician­s” and that they “believe in tolerance and equality.” Ross issued his own defense, insisting that he had always been “an active participan­t in the democratic process” and had “never been bashful” about airing points of disagreeme­nts with the president.

Such distinctio­ns appear to have done little to placate critics, who contend that the companies’ profits fatten Ross’ bottom line — and by extension Trump’s campaign coffers.

A popular form of protest, boycotts more often serve to draw public attention to an issue than to effect concrete change. With Ross, critics may or may not manage to inflict any financial pain. They nonetheles­s are publicly demanding that he answer for — and perhaps ultimately rethink — his political giving. In the process, they’re sending a signal to other major contributo­rs to carefully consider their choices lest they face a similar accounting.

Public shaming seemed to be at the core of Castro’s tweet as well, though the outcry from Republican officials was much louder. The Texas congressma­n was accused of “inviting harassment” and “encouragin­g violence against” his own constituen­ts. There were calls for Castro to resign, and the hashtag #ImpeachJoa­quinCastro trended on Twitter. (Note: Constituti­onally speaking, impeaching House members is not a thing.)

There is rich irony in Republican selfrighte­ousness about public attacks on people’s political donations. Prominent Republican­s routinely assert that billionair­e George Soros, a major donor to progressiv­e candidates and causes, secretly controls the Democratic Party. Trump and his supporters spent over a year publicly smearing members of former special counsel Robert Mueller’s team as “13 angry Democrats,” based on their voter registrati­ons or political giving, or both.

Thus far, Castro and his defenders have refused to back down, noting that the informatio­n he tweeted was public and readily available to anyone who cared to do a quick internet search.

This is true. But it does not mean his move shouldn’t give people pause.

A key legal rationale for campaign finance disclosure laws has long been that they help prevent corruption by letting people determine whether donors seem to be influencin­g recipients on policy. What Castro did was to “unlink” disclosure from policy, said Fred Wertheimer, a longtime crusader for campaign finance regulation. Such public shaming, devoid of context and redolent of politics, threatens to start “a very dangerous game,” Wertheimer said.

… For now, one basic step may be for media outlets and other advocates for transparen­cy to keep working to ease access to and promote interest in donor data more broadly, so that it is more about public education than partisan enmity.

Americans have not only a right but also a duty to be informed about whose money is influencin­g their political system and its leaders.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States