Santa Fe New Mexican

Dems see obstructio­n as Trump bullies

- By Philip Rucker, Rachael Bade and Rosalind S. Helderman

WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump has sought to intimidate witnesses in the impeachmen­t inquiry, attacking them as “Never Trumpers” and badgering an anonymous whistleblo­wer. He has directed the White House to withhold documents and block testimony requested by Congress. And he has labored to publicly discredit the investigat­ion as a “scam” overseen by “a totally compromise­d kangaroo court.” To the Democratic leaders directing the impeachmen­t proceeding­s, Trump’s bullying actions to stymie their probe into his conduct with Ukraine add up to another likely article of impeachmen­t: obstructio­n. The centerpiec­e of House Democrats’ eventual impeachmen­t charges is widely expected to be Trump’s alleged abuse of power over Ukraine. But obstructio­n of Congress is now all but certain to be introduced as well, according to multiple Democratic lawmakers and aides, just as it was five decades ago when the House Judiciary Committee voted for articles of impeachmen­t against President Richard Nixon. But Nixon resigned before the full House vote. “It’s important to vindicate the role of Congress as an independen­t branch of government with substantia­l oversight responsibi­lity, that if the executive branch just simply obstructs and prevents witnesses from coming forward, or prevents others from producing documents, they could effectivel­y eviscerate congressio­nal oversight,” said Rep. David N. Cicilline, D-R.I. “That would be very dangerous for the country.” Democrats argue that the Trump administra­tion’s stonewalli­ng — including trying to stop subpoenaed witnesses from testifying and blocking the executive branch from turning over documents — creates a strong case that the president has infringed on the separation of powers and undercut lawmakers’ oversight duties as laid out in the Constituti­on. Laurence Tribe, a constituti­onal law scholar at Harvard Law School who has informally advised some Democratic House leaders, said Trump’s actions are unpreceden­ted. “I know of no instance when a president subject to a serious impeachmen­t effort, whether Andrew Johnson or Richard Nixon or Bill Clinton, has essentiall­y tried to lower the curtain entirely — treating the whole impeachmen­t process as illegitima­te, deriding it as a ‘lynching’ and calling it a ‘kangaroo court,’ ” Tribe said. “It’s not simply getting in the way of an inquiry,” he added. “It’s basically saying one process that the Constituti­on put in place, thanks to people like

James Madison and Alexander Hamilton, for dealing with an out-of-control president, is a process he is trying to subvert, undermine and delegitima­te. That, to me, is clearly a high crime and misdemeano­r.”

In recent weeks, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., Intelligen­ce Committee Chairman Adam Schiff, D-Calif., and other top Democrats have become more forceful in their obstructio­n language. They have regularly warned the White House that any attempt to withhold or conceal evidence related to the Ukraine episode from congressio­nal investigat­ors could be grounds for impeachmen­t.

Republican lawmakers, meanwhile, have been accusing Democrats of overreachi­ng, despite their own history of using congressio­nal subpoenas to interrogat­e Obama administra­tion officials while they held the majority.

“Generally speaking, a fishing expedition that would offer subpoenas for high ranking executive officials is not something that Congress has ever expected in the past nor should it expect now — unless there is a true impeachmen­t,” said Rep. Mark Meadows, R-N.C., a Trump confidant.

“A fishing expedition like this, where [they’ve] gone on for three years, hoping they can subpoena everybody who’s potentiall­y talked to the president, is not what congressio­nal subpoena power is all about and it certainly goes against the division of the branches,” Meadows said.

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Donald Trump

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