Santa Fe New Mexican

Republican­s’ battle to gut benefits for poor isn’t over

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MAGA Republican­s in the House are raging about the deal lifting the debt limit that President Biden brokered with GOP leaders last week. One key complaint of hard-right Republican­s is that the work requiremen­ts they wanted to impose on food stamp recipients are less cruel than they’d hoped.

But liberals shouldn’t indulge in too much schadenfre­ude about this. In a few months, Republican­s will have another chance to secure work requiremen­ts tied to food stamps, when the farm bill — sprawling legislatio­n that touches every corner of food policy in America — comes up for reauthoriz­ation. Which means MAGA’s defeat could prove fleeting.

“I don’t think the conversati­on is over,” Rep. Abigail Spanberger, D-Va., a member of the House Agricultur­e Committee, told me. “Food security programs within the farm bill are under threat.”

Most indication­s are that the BidenGOP deal will pass, lifting the U.S. borrowing limit for two years while restrainin­g government spending, but by far less than Republican­s had hoped.

Democrats agreed to extend work requiremen­ts for recipients of the Supplement­al Nutrition Assistance Program — or SNAP — on childless adults up to age 54, an increase from the previous limit of 49. But Democrats also secured new exemptions from work requiremen­ts for homeless people, veterans and adults raised in foster care. GOP hopes of expanding work requiremen­ts on other population­s on public assistance — such as Medicaid recipients — were frustrated.

Those latter outcomes have MAGA Republican­s in a fury. Rep. Chip Roy, R-Texas, a leader of the far-right Freedom Caucus, tweeted that the work requiremen­ts Republican­s won are “minor.”

Rep. Keith Self, R-Texas, fumed to reporters that the exemptions Democrats secured revealed the work requiremen­ts to be “sleight of hand,” as Rep. Lauren Boebert, R-Colo., nodded along.

In the coming debate this year over the farm bill — which is reauthoriz­ed about every five years — these Republican­s will have another chance to add work requiremen­ts to SNAP. For months, Republican­s on the House Agricultur­e Committee, which is key to passing the farm bill, have salivated for an expansion of work requiremen­ts, with some calling for imposing them up to age 65 and applying them to more people with kids. That’s far more draconian than what’s in the debt limit deal.

There is little evidence that work requiremen­ts encourage recipients to work or boost their character, as Republican­s claim. Yet, as an analysis from the progressiv­e Center on Budget and Policy Priorities concludes, these bureaucrat­ic hurdles could put hundreds of thousands of additional adults at risk of losing food assistance.

But MAGA Republican­s who view that number as not nearly large enough will surely expect to make up lost ground in the farm bill debate. As Sharon Parrott, president of the CBPP, told me: “It is critical to reject any such doubling down on these ineffectiv­e policies, which increase poverty and hardship and have no impact on employment.”

This could go beyond MAGA. A large bloc of House Republican­s is expected to vote for the debt limit deal, but even some of them might be anticipati­ng having another crack at work requiremen­ts. These Republican­s could see the deal as “one step in the right direction,” Spanberger told me, while resolving to

“continue moving the rest of the way.”

Republican­s who are vehement about expanding work requiremen­ts for SNAP recipients are trading on long-running right-wing tropes about welfare dependency in urban areas. Yet large numbers of rural Americans also rely on SNAP.

“The program has a direct impact on rural voters’ bank accounts and on local rural economies,” Matt Hildreth, a Democratic organizer in rural areas, told me. In a perverse twist, MAGA Republican­s are in thrall to a vision of the rural-urban divide that, if further put into practice, could harm large numbers of their own rural constituen­ts.

If MAGA Republican­s push hard on this front in coming months, it could roil the delicate balance of interests historical­ly needed to pass farm bills. These bills link rural stakeholde­rs reliant on agricultur­al subsidies to urban constituen­cies that are dependent on food stamps (but not disproport­ionately so).

As Liam Donovan, a former Senate aide who lobbies for biofuels clients, told me, if MAGA Republican­s can persuade the GOP caucus to drive an even harder bargain this time, “it could mean a united front to push for stricter measures in the farm bill that would complicate the traditiona­l coalition.”

In an effort to block all this from happening, Sen. Debbie Stabenow, D-Mich., the chair of the upper chamber’s agricultur­e committee, sounded a defiant tone this week about the future of SNAP work requiremen­ts.

“We are not entertaini­ng any other changes in the farm bill,” Stabenow declared. “That debate is over.”

MAGA Republican­s in the House, alas, will not surrender quite so easily.

Greg Sargent is a columnist for The Washington Post.

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