Sentinel & Enterprise

DOJ to probe secret subpoena

Action came on former President Trump’s watch

- Dy Hel Quentin Wilber, Chris Megerian and Jennifer Haberkorn Los Angeles Times

The Justice Department’s internal watchdog announced Friday it was launching an investigat­ion into federal prosecutor­s’ use of secret subpoenas to obtain records from Apple concerning two California lawmakers on the House Intelligen­ce Committee, their staff and family members.

The move came as top Democratic senators called on the Justice Department’s inspector general to launch such a probe and for former President Donald Trump’s attorneys general to testify before Congress about why prosecutor­s took such an aggressive investigat­ive step.

The Democrats allege that the subpoenas of records related to Reps. Adam Schiff, D- Calif., chairman of the House Intelligen­ce Committee, and Eric Swalwell, D- Calif., were further evi

dence that the Trump administra­tion engaged in abuses of power when targeting its political foes. The lawmakers targeted by the subpoenas, which were part of an investigat­ion into the leak of classified material, are Democrats known for their vocal criticism of the Trump administra­tion.

“The revelation that the Trump Justice Department secretly subpoenaed metadata of House Intelligen­ce Committee Members and staff and their families, including a minor, is shocking,” according to a statement from Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, the chairman of the chamber’s Judiciary Committee. “This appalling politiciza­tion of the Department of Justice by Donald Trump and his sycophants must be investigat­ed immediatel­y by both the DOJ Inspector General and Congress.”

The announceme­nt of an investigat­ion by the Justice Department’s inspector general came a day after news broke that that the Justice Department had sought informatio­n from Apple about a dozen people: the lawmakers, relatives, including a minor, and staffers. Schiff and Swalwell, the latter of whom serves on the panel, learned about the subpoenas last month from Apple, a committee official said.

The official said 10 others were also told by Apple their records had been turned over to the Justice Department. A federal grand jury issued the subpoenas in February 2018, and Apple reached out to the lawmakers last month only after a judicial gag order had expired, people familiar with the matter said.

The subpoenas, the people said, had been issued as part of investigat­ions by the Justice Department into leaks of classified informatio­n, a preoccupat­ion of Trump, who often railed about such disclosure­s, which were not uncommon in his administra­tion. The Justice Department declined to comment on the subpoenas, or disclose what material it obtained. Prosecutor­s use such subpoenas to gather informatio­n about when, where and whom people communicat­ed with, but not the underlying messages themselves.

The subpoenas bore little fruit, the people said. The Justice Department told the committee that the investigat­ion had been concluded and no charges were being brought, the committee official said. The official added that lawmakers were irked that they learned about legal action from Apple in “pro forma” emails and not the Justice Department.

The grand jury action occurred when former Attorney General Jeff Sessions was running the Justice Department, apparently as part of his campaign to clamp down on leaking. In an August 2017 news conference, Sessions highlighte­d the department’s zealous approach to investigat­ing leakers, saying it had tripled the number of leak investigat­ions since he had taken office in early February. “We are taking a stand,” he said. “This culture of leaking must stop.”

Sessions could not be reached for comment. A person close to Sessions said the former attorney general was not aware the subpoenas had been issued. His deputy attorney general, Rod Rosenstein, did not respond to an email seeking comment.

Former Attorney General William Barr, who took office in February 2019, said in an interview he was not aware of the subpoenas or the congressio­nal leak investigat­ion. “I don’t recall that particular case,” Barr said in an interview. “The subpoena was sought before I arrived.”

It was not clear when the Senate Judiciary Committee would hold hearings on the matter. Investigat­ions by the inspector general can take years to complete.

The inspector general announced it was also going to investigat­e the Justice Department’s use of subpoenas to seek the records of reporters at The New York Times, The Washington Post and CNN, who reported on the leaked informatio­n. Some of those investigat­ions were conducted with gag orders in place, keeping them under wraps until recently.

In a statement issued Thursday night, shortly after The New York Times broke news of the subpoenas, Schiff accused Trump of “repeatedly and flagrantly” demanding “the Department of Justice carry out his political will,” and accused the president of using “the Department as a cudgel against his political opponents and members of the media.”

Constituti­onal scholars and former federal prosecutor­s said the issuance of such subpoenas was highly unusual and legally fraught. Courts have generally set high hurdles for prosecutor­s in obtaining informatio­n from lawmakers, thanks to a Speech or Debate clause in the Constituti­on.

The clause is designed to protect legislator­s from political reprisals over their official duties.

Christophe­r Ott, a former prosecutor who handled leak cases until he left the Justice Department in February 2018, said he was not aware of the subpoenas and was surprised they had been issued. He said prosecutor­s generally believed that such investigat­ions were very difficult because “under the current state of the law you cannot successful­ly prosecute a member of Congress for leaking.”

Ott said he suspected prosecutor­s wanted to demonstrat­e that they were at least trying to exhaustive­ly investigat­e such matters. “The danger of doing that, however, is that if you don’t have a legitimate criminal investigat­ive purpose,” he said, “then it could be interprete­d as an exercise for political reasons, or even something more sinister.”

The Justice Department would have faced serious hurdles in trying to use any of the subpoenaed data in a prosecutio­n, said Stanley Brand, a law professor at Penn State and an expert in constituti­onal issues concerning the executive and legislativ­e branches. Courts have placed stiff restrictio­ns on the Justice Department’s ability to rummage around lawmaker’s records, Brand said.

“The Apple records would be filled with informatio­n related to legislativ­e activity,” Brand said, citing texts, phone calls and other data related to congressio­nal business. “And courts have said that you can’t dig through such informatio­n to find data that might help a prosecutio­n.”

The Justice Department has managed to prosecute congressio­nal staffers for leaking. In late 2018, James A. Wolfe, a staffer on the Senate Intelligen­ce Committee, was sentenced to two months in jail for lying to FBI agents about unauthoriz­ed contacts he had with a reporter. But that kind of case is exceedingl­y rare.

Schiff and other Democrats on the House intelligen­ce panel often found themselves in Trump’s crosshairs over their investigat­ion into potential ties between the president’s 2016 campaign and the Kremlin. For the first two years of Trump’s term, Republican­s controlled the House, and Schiff played a backseat role in the House Intelligen­ce Committee.

After Democratic victories in the 2018 midterms, Schiff became chair and was empowered to advance investigat­ions into Trump and his associates. He played a leading role in probing Trump’s request that Ukraine announce an investigat­ion into Joe Biden, then a candidate for the Democratic presidenti­al nomination, a case that ultimately led to Trump’s first impeachmen­t.

In addition to special counsel Robert S. Mueller’s probe into Russia’s interferen­ce in the 2016 election, investigat­ions were conducted by the House Intelligen­ce Committee and the Senate Intelligen­ce Committee. The Senate’s work was characteri­zed by quiet bipartisan­ship, ultimately producing lengthy reports.

But the House investigat­ion was politicall­y charged, and the panel featured some of Trump’s most committed allies and fiercest antagonist­s. Excerpts from closed-door interviews regularly leaked into media reports, leading to finger pointing over who was responsibl­e.

Schiff faced much of the blame from Trump and his family, even though they never presented any evidence besides highlighti­ng his frequent appearance­s on cable news.

“I think Adam Schiff is the biggest leaker in Washington,” Trump said in 2019.

Donald Trump Jr., the former president’s eldest son, routinely accused Schiff of leaking informatio­n. In January 2019, Trump Jr. suggested on Twitter: “maybe someone should launch an investigat­ion to find out where all the leaks from his committee come from?”

 ?? PATRICK SEMANSKY / AP ?? U.S. Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Calif., left, and Rep. Eric Swalwell, D-Calif., speak with members of the media on Capitol Hill in Washington in May 2019. The Justice Department under former President Donald Trump secretly seized data from the accounts of the two Democratic lawmakers in 2018 as part of an aggressive crackdown on leaks related to the Russia investigat­ion and other national security matters, according to three people familiar with the seizures.
PATRICK SEMANSKY / AP U.S. Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Calif., left, and Rep. Eric Swalwell, D-Calif., speak with members of the media on Capitol Hill in Washington in May 2019. The Justice Department under former President Donald Trump secretly seized data from the accounts of the two Democratic lawmakers in 2018 as part of an aggressive crackdown on leaks related to the Russia investigat­ion and other national security matters, according to three people familiar with the seizures.

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