Sentinel & Enterprise

Suspect followed familiar path

Radicaliza­tion now a common storyline

- By Eric Tucker, Michael Kunzelman and Amanda Seitz

The 18-year-old gunman accused of a deadly racist rampage at a Buffalo supermarke­t seems to fit an alltoo-familiar profile: an aggrieved white man steeped in hate-filled conspiraci­es online, and inspired by other extremist massacres.

Payton Gendron of Conklin, N.Y., appears to have been driven to action roughly two years from when his radical indoctrina­tion began, showing just how quickly and easily murderous assaults can be spawned on the internet. No tactical training or organizati­onal help required.

While law enforcemen­t officials have grown adept since the Sept. 11 attacks at disrupting wellorgani­zed plots, they face a much tougher challenge in intercepti­ng self-radicalize­d young men who absorb racist screeds on social media and plot violence on their own.

“That’s why everyone is so concerned. You just go and you pick your ideology — and then, if you have a weapon, you don’t need a big plan,” said Christophe­r Costa, former senior director for counterter­rorism in the Trump administra­tion’s National Security Council. “What’s changed is the internet.”

Gendron is accused of fatally shooting 10 Black people and could face federal hate crime charges in the coming days. He purportedl­y left behind a 180-page diatribe in which he said the rampage was intended to terrorize nonwhite people and get them to leave the country. It parrots ideas left behind by other white killers whose massacres he had extensivel­y researched online.

The evidence so far underscore­s the evolving threat facing law enforcemen­t.

In the first years after the Sept. 11 attacks, U.S. officials were preoccupie­d by the possibilit­y of organized terror cells mobilizing followers to launch fresh assaults against the homeland. They later worried about the possibilit­y of selfradica­lized Islamic jihadists acting on their own.

Now, white supremacis­ts have emerged as a frontand-center focus. FBI Director Christophe­r Wray last year described the domestic terrorism threat as “metastasiz­ing.” White racially motivated extremists have been responsibl­e for most of the deadliest attacks on U.S. soil in the last five years, including a 2018 shooting inside a Pittsburgh synagogue and a rampage the following year in which a gunman targeting Hispanics inside a Texas Walmart killed 22 people.

An unclassifi­ed report from the U. S. intelligen­ce community last year warned that violent extremists motivated by political grievances and racial hatred pose an “elevated” threat to the country.

In recognitio­n of the problem, the White House in March said its latest budget provided the FBI w ith an increase of $33 million for domestic terrorism investigat­ions. In 2019, the FBI brought together in

a specialize­d fusion cell agents who specialize in hate crime investigat­ions with those focused on acts of domestic terrorism — a nod to the overlappin­g nature of the threats.

Federal authoritie­s have in recent years prosecuted members of white supremacis­t and neo-nazi groups, including Atomwaffen Division and The Base. These organizati­ons have embraced a fringe philosophy known as “accelerati­onism,” which promotes mass violence to fuel society’s collapse, spark a race war or overthrow the U.S. government.

Those defendants’ paths to digital indoctrina­tion in some ways appear to mirror that of Gendron. The racist screed that has been attributed to him advanced ideas from the “great replacemen­t” theory — a baseless conspiracy that says there’s a plot to diminish the influence of white people — and chronicles his own experience­s navigating dark corners of the internet.

A generation ago, indoctrina­tion into extremist groups involved people meeting face to face, talking and swapping books, and as a result harmful ideologies weren’t as likely to spread as quickly as they can today, said Shannon Foley Martinez, a reformed extremist who mentors people trying to leave supremacis­t groups.

“When I go and talk to middle and high school and university students and I ask them who has seen racist or anti-semitic comments or content online, 100% of the hands go up,” said Martinez, who cut ties with extremists 28 years ago.

There’s long been debate within the criminal justice system about the ability to rehabilita­te racially or ethnically motivated extremists, or create so-called “off-ramps,” for them before they commit violence. Once charged, several defendants have sought to renounce their ideologies,

pointing to mitigating factors in their own lives that they said had warped their judgment and led to a poisoned set of beliefs.

After the Justice Department in 2020 charged four Atomwaffen members in Seattle in a campaign to intimidate journalist­s and others with threatenin­g posters at their homes, defense attorneys sought to play up the similariti­es of their clients’ background­s and radicaliza­tion path: They were bullied, friendless, ostracized; craving a community, they found each other on the internet.

Cameron Shea was addicted to opiates and living in his car when he founded Atomwaffen.

“Ï was lost, sad, and (at the risk of sounding dramatic) angry at the world,” he wrote in a letter addressed to the judge who sentenced him to three years in prison. “Choosing to lash out and feel angry at everything was easier than addressing the sadness and

sense of displaceme­nt beneath it all.”

Taylor Ashley Parker-dipeppe, who was 21 at sentencing, is a transgende­r man who was shunned by his peers and frequently bullied at his New Jersey high school, said his lawyer, Peter Mazzone. After a failed attempt to “connect with the LBGTQ crowd,” Parker-dipeppe gravitated online toward an Atomwaffen cell in Florida led by a 16-year-old boy and became a “total follower,” his lawyer said.

“But he also felt he ‘passed’ as a man, was accepted by a ‘ manly’ club, and was part of a group that would fight for him if necessary, as long as no one found out that he was actually transgende­r,” Mazzone wrote.

The Atomwaffen defendants either pleaded guilty or were convicted by a jury. All four were sentenced to prison terms or time already served behind bars.

While those men bonded on the internet, Gendron’s online wanderings may have been a more solo endeavor. However, the statement he apparently posted online indicates he drew inspiratio­n from other racist rampages, like the one by a white man who killed 51 people at two mosques in Christchur­ch, New Zealand, in 2019.

 ?? AP PHOTOS ?? Investigat­ors work the scene of a shooting at a supermarke­t, in Buffalo, N.Y., Monday. While law enforcemen­t officials have grown adept since the Sept. 11 attacks at disrupting well-organized plots, they face a much tougher challenge in intercepti­ng self-radicalize­d young men who absorb racist screeds on social media and plot violence on their own.
AP PHOTOS Investigat­ors work the scene of a shooting at a supermarke­t, in Buffalo, N.Y., Monday. While law enforcemen­t officials have grown adept since the Sept. 11 attacks at disrupting well-organized plots, they face a much tougher challenge in intercepti­ng self-radicalize­d young men who absorb racist screeds on social media and plot violence on their own.
 ?? ?? Payton Gendron
Payton Gendron

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