South Florida Sun-Sentinel Palm Beach (Sunday)

Will new governor slam brakes on Amendment 4?

- By Fred Grimm Fred Grimm (@grimm_fred or leogrimm@gmail.com), a longtime resident of Fort Lauderdale, has worked as a reporter and columnist in South Florida since 1976.

Nothing like a nice constituti­onal crisis to get Florida’s New Year rolling.

The tussle begins Tuesday, when Amendment 4 is supposed to take effect, mandating the automatic restoratio­n of voting rights for Florida’s convicted felons (with the exception of murderers and sex offenders) “upon completion of all terms of sentence including parole or probation.”

Except, “automatic” has become a synonym for “maybe.” Or “maybe not.”

Tuesday is also the day Gov.-elect Ron DeSantis, who received a million fewer votes than Amendment 4, assumes office. DeSantis, who had dissed the measure before the election, told a reporter with Gatehouse Media last month that restoratio­n of voting rights must wait until the state legislatur­e gets around to approving “implementi­ng language.” That can’t happen before the legislativ­e session opens March 5, which means as many as 1.2 million newly enfranchis­ed voters will be shut out of Florida’s March 12 municipal elections.

“They’re going to be able to do it in March,” DeSantis insisted. “There’s no way you can go through this session without implementi­ng it.”

But you can. Florida legislator­s have demonstrat­ed time and again that they regard constituti­onal mandates as frivolous inconvenie­nces that can be ignored, postponed or outright flouted. Especially when unruly voters approve an initiative not to their liking. It` d`oesn’t matter what the people passed,” environmen­tal lawyer Thom Rumberger told me back in 2002. “Legislator­s will just sayW,`e don’t like it.’ ”

Rumberger, who died in 2011, was referring to the “polluter pays” initiative that required the sugar industry to pay the cost of cleaning up its mess in the Everglades. Sixty-five percent of Florida voters said yes to polluter pays. That was 1996. It ain’t happened yet.

Lawmakers simply ignored the amendment. Implementi­ng legislatio­n was never passed. Big Sugar’s bill never came due.

Legislator­s have been slightly more artful in devising ways around voter intent in the 2002 class size amendment. The most imaginativ­e circumvent­ion came in 2013, with legislatio­n allowing so-called “schools of choice” to cram more students into certain classes. Some school districts, of course, simply designated all their schools “of choice.”

Nor did it matter that 75 percent of the voters approved an amendment four years ago that required the state to spend a third of the taxes collected from real estate transactio­ns “to acquire, restore, improve, and manage conservati­on lands.” Last June, Leon County Circuit Judge Charles Dodson found that, instead, the legislator­s were allocating the money according to their own whims.

In October, the same judge ruled that legislator­s similarly ignored the voter intent expressed by the 71 percent majority who approved a medical marijuana amendment in 2016. The enabling legislatio­n piled on so many restrictio­ns that it became cheaper for patients to buy pot from the black market.

“The court is concerned the Constituti­on is being treated as just a recommenda­tion,” Dodson wrote. “It cannot be,” the judge said. “The Constituti­on is the law of the land — the supreme law of our government, which we must all live by. The medical marijuana amendment of the Constituti­on is specific. Much of that specificit­y is being ignored.”

Republican­s who control the governor’s office and both chambers of the legislatur­e have been even less enthused about the voting rights restoratio­n amendment. Not out of any great philosophi­cal allegiance to felon disenfranc­hisement, a Jim Crow-era policy originally conceived to tamp down black votes. Republican­s, who just won the gubernator­ial and U.S. Senate elections by miniscule margins, worry that most of those newly registered felons — 415,000 of whom are black (according to Vox) — will vote for Democrats.

Republican­s had also worried about the imagined flood of long-haired young liberals tipping the political balance when the voting age was lowered from 21 to 18 back in 1971.

Well, I’ve seen the pathetic turnout figures among young voters. If newly enfranchis­ed felons vote like the kids, Republican­s need not worry. They can lay off the Constituti­on.

Voting right activists insist that there’s no need to wait for the legislatur­e to act; that Amendment 4 was fashioned precisely to protect it from meddling politician­s. After days of silence, the Florida Department of State has apparently concurred.

On Thursday, answering my inquiry, DOS emailed a passage from the state constituti­on stating, “. . . if the proposed amendment or revision is approved by vote of at least sixty percent of the electors voting on the measure, it shall be effective as an amendment to or revision of the constituti­on of the state on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in January following the election.”

Pete Antonacci, who was appointed by

Rick Scott last month to replace ousted Broward Elections Supervisor Brenda Snipes, had expressed his own reservatio­ns. But on Thursday, his website announced that, come Tuesday, it would accept felon registrati­ons.

So it’s left to Gov.-elect DeSantis to decide whether to delay Amendment 4 until the legislatur­e passes “implementi­ng language.” Which, in Florida, might never happen.

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