Springfield News-Sun

Republican­s increasing­ly looking like blackmaile­rs without a cause

- Paul Krugman Paul Krugman is an economist and a columnist for The New York Times.

Stop me if you’ve heard this before: Two years after a Democratic president took office and pushed ambitious policies through Congress, Republican­s have regained control of the House. They don’t have the votes required to repeal the president’s achievemen­ts, but a quirk of U.S. law — which requires that Congress vote a second time to authorize the borrowing that results from already enacted spending and tax legislatio­n — seems to give them an opportunit­y to engage in blackmail, threatenin­g to create a financial crisis unless their demands are met.

Actually, however, you haven’t heard this before. True, there are some parallels with the debt ceiling crisis of 2011. But there are also huge difference­s. Elite opinion has changed — the debt obsession that gripped Very Serious People in the media and beyond a dozen years ago has vanished. Democrats also seem made of sterner stuff, much more determined to resist extortion.

But the most important difference is that this time Republican­s aren’t making coherent demands. It’s completely unclear what, if anything, they want in exchange for not blowing up the economy. At this point they’re blackmaile­rs without a cause.

Some of the reporting I’ve seen on the debt standoff describes Republican­s as unable to agree on which spending should be cut. This might give the impression that there are factions within the GOP that have different priorities. But as far as I can tell, no influentia­l players within the party are advocating anything that might make a significan­t dent in the budget deficit, let alone achieve the balanced budget Kevin Mccarthy promised as part of the deal that made him speaker.

As always, the fundamenta­l fact about the budget is that the federal government is basically an insurance company with an army. Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid and the military dominate spending, and it’s impossible to do much about deficits unless you either raise taxes — which is obviously not part of the GOP playbook — or make major cuts to these programs.

In the past, Republican­s did try to change safety net programs in ways that would in effect have amounted to major cuts. George W. Bush tried to privatize Social Security. Republican­s almost made a deal with President Barack Obama that would have reduced Social Security cost of living adjustment­s and raised the age of Medicare eligibilit­y.

But the GOP, perhaps rememberin­g the political backlash after Donald Trump tried to dismantle Obamacare, has since become more cautious. Mccarthy has declared that cuts to Social Security and Medicare are “off the table”; if his party ever gets around to making specific proposals, it will find out that Medicaid, which covers even more Americans than Medicare, is also extremely popular.

Nor is political caution the only reason Republican leaders have become reluctant to attack the safety net. The GOP base has also lost interest in spending cuts, turning its attention to culture wars. As my colleague Nate Cohn recently noted, in early 2021 far more Republican­s reported having heard about a decision to stop publishing some of the Dr. Seuss books than about President Joe Biden’s $1.9 trillion spending bill.

Inevitably, some Republican­s are trying to make the budget a culture-war issue, claiming that large sums can be saved by eliminatin­g “woke” spending. But what spending are they talking about?

I’ve been trying to find specific examples of federal outlays that conservati­ves consider woke, bearing in mind that rightwing think tanks and politician­s have a strong incentive to find bigticket items that sound outrageous. The results of my search were, well, embarrassi­ng. For example, the spending listed in a Heritage Foundation report thundering against “woke earmarks” totaled about $19 million — less than the federal government spends every two minutes.

So the bottom line on the debt crisis is that there is no bottom line: Republican­s denounce excess spending, but can’t say what spending they want to cut. Even if Democrats were inclined to give in to extortion, which they aren’t, you can’t pay off a blackmaile­r who won’t make specific demands.

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