Stamford Advocate

‘Thought we had learned our lessons’: In Germany, far right rises again

- By Kirsten Grieshaber

BERLIN — When Sabine Thonke joined a recent demonstrat­ion in Berlin against Germany’s farright party, it was the first time in years she felt hopeful that the growing power of the extremists in her country could be stopped.

Thonke, 59, had been following the rise of the Alternativ­e for Germany, or AfD, with unease. But when she heard about a plan to deport millions of people, she felt called to action.

“I never thought such inhuman ideas would be gaining popularity in Germany again. I thought we had learned the lessons from our past,” Thonke said.

Many Germans believed their country had developed an immunity to nationalis­m and assertions of racial superiorit­y after confrontin­g the horrors of its Nazi past through education and laws to outlaw persecutio­n.

They were wrong.

If an election were held today, the AfD would be the second largest party, according to polls.

But national polls camouflage an important division: the AfD has disproport­ionate support in the formerly communist and less prosperous eastern states of Germany.

The AfD’s rise has been propelled by anger over inflation and, above all, rising immigratio­n. The EU received 1.1 million asylum requests in 2023, the highest number since 2015. Germany got by far the largest number of claims — more than 300,000 — mostly from Syria, Afghanista­n and Turkey. The country has also taken in more than a million Ukrainian refugees displaced by Russia’s invasion.

Voters in Germany and across Europe are increasing­ly empowering far-right nationalis­t parties who promise to restrict immigratio­n and, in some cases, constrain democratic freedoms of religion, of expression, of the right to protest. These forces have bubbled up in France, Italy, the Netherland­s and Austria.

After 1945, West Germans grew up with the guiding principle that there should “never again” be a dictatorsh­ip on German soil. West German leaders made visits to Israel and apologized to the countries occupied by the Nazis, while schoolchil­dren were taken to see concentrat­ion camps or Holocaust memorials.

In the East, a self-declared anti-fascist society, young people were also taken to concentrat­ion camps, but the lessons did not focus on culpabilit­y. Instead, the lessons emphasized that they were the descendant­s of the Nazis’ victims.

Thonke, who works at Berlin’s water utility, grew up in Bavaria, which was part of West Germany before reunificat­ion in 1990. She said she did not speak much with her grandparen­ts — the Nazi generation — about what happened during the Third Reich, but learned about Adolf Hitler’s rise to power and the Holocaust in school.

Today’s far right is using similar tactics, she said, exploiting people’s fears to win their trust and their votes.

“I understand that many people are worn out from all these crises — the coronaviru­s pandemic, the war in Ukraine, the many migrants, inflation — and that they are afraid that things are going to get worse,” Thonke said. “But the solutions the AfD offers won’t solve any of these problems.”

Polls show the AfD as the top party in the eastern states of Saxony and Thuringia, with roughly 35% support in each. Both states have elections this fall, along with the eastern state of Brandenbur­g, where the AfD is also expected to make strong gains.

The AfD’s appeal is particular­ly strong among men — about two-thirds of its voters are male — and, increasing­ly, younger voters. In the last state elections in Hesse and Bavaria in October, AfD made significan­t gains among voters 24 and younger.

The party is far more internet-savvy than its rivals, making use of social media to get its message out to young people.

“The AfD is a nationalis­t party, and nationalis­ts want to be proud of their history, and anyone who wants to be very proud of German history must of course minimize, play down, or even deny the shame of the Nazi crimes in order to be able to tell the story of national greatness,” said Jens-Christian Wagner, a historian and the head of the Buchenwald Memorial, a former concentrat­ion camp in Thuringia, where the Nazis killed more than 56,000 people.

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