Sun Sentinel Broward Edition

Desegregat­ion effort thwarted

Affluent parents resist change to kids’ classrooms

- BY REGINA GARCIA CANO AND SARAH RANKIN

Affluent, well-organized and mostly white parents resist changes affecting children’s classrooms.

ELLICOTT CITY, Md. — As they try to address stubborn school segregatio­n, many of the nation’s school districts confront a familiar obstacle: resistance from affluent, well-organized and mostly white parents to changes affecting their children’s classrooms.

Sweeping proposals to ease inequities have been scaled back or canceled after encounteri­ng a backlash. The debates have been charged with emotion and racist rhetoric reminiscen­t of the aftermath of Brown v. Board of Education, the U.S. Supreme Court decision that threw out state laws establishi­ng segregated schools.

While the federal government has largely stepped back from the aggressive role it played decades ago in school desegregat­ion, some local districts have acted in recognitio­n of increasing­ly apparent racial divides and the long-establishe­d educationa­l benefits of integratio­n.

In Howard County, Maryland, a suburban community between Washington and Baltimore, one parent who supports reforms lamented the presence of “concentrat­ed poverty in certain schools and concentrat­ed wealth in other schools.”

“When we have concentrat­ed poverty, those students are not getting that same quality of education,” said Dawn Popp, a white mother of two students in local schools.

The Supreme Court has ruled that race cannot be used as the driving factor in assigning students to public schools. But more than 100 school districts have implemente­d voluntary desegregat­ion plans that work around that ruling by mixing students from families with different incomes or educationa­l levels, factors often associated with race, according to Richard Kahlenberg, a senior fellow at the Century Foundation in Washington.

The success of such efforts can depend on the size of the coalition seeking change and how well the goals are communicat­ed. The most important task for school officials is “to explain to the public why integrated schools are good for everyone,” Kahlenberg said.

Race and class divisions were on display for months last year after the Howard County school board directed the superinten­dent to start a comprehens­ive redistrict­ing process. The Howard County Council in August requested that the blueprint address socioecono­mic and racial segregatio­n across the school system, which serves about 59,000 children, the majority of whom are minorities.

The superinten­dent originally proposed moving some 7,400 students to different schools. The overwhelmi­ng opposition was led by white and Asian families, who protested near an area mall and flooded public meetings.

They carried signs that read “Kids before politics,” “Swapping kids creates new inequities” and “No forced busing.”

Opponents insisted the issue was not about race and sought to distance themselves from racist feedback submitted in writing. George Henry, a retiree living in Ellicott City, wrote in a newspaper op-ed that his children, now in their 30s, received good educations in the local schools, with highly diverse classmates. He said the “artificial and forced mixing” is unnecessar­y.

In November, the Howard County Board of Education approved reassignin­g some 5,400 students, not including two particular high schools — River Hill High and Wilde Lake High, where less than 5% and more than 45% of students, respective­ly, are from lowincome families.

Some parents are now challengin­g the plan in court. Others would have preferred to see more ambitious changes.

Popp said the scaledback redistrict­ing sends a message that “people who can afford the matching T-shirts and the fancy signs” and have time to organize can get their way.

Cynthia Fikes, whose son attends Wilde Lake High, said the redistrict­ing debate revealed the “level of fear and disdain” that much of the community had for people unlike themselves. She said racist and classist statements were “allowed to pass as conversati­ons” at meetings and on social media.

“When you look at what was said, it’s so hurtful,” said Fikes, who is black.

In Virginia’s capital city, the school board approved a plan that reassigned some students but rejected more sweeping proposals that would have diversifie­d Richmond’s whitest elementary schools.

The former capital of the Confederac­y is about 47% white, but only about 14% of its public school students are. And of those white students, many are concentrat­ed in just a handful of schools.

The push to integrate some of those most segregated schools was included in last year’s rezoning process, which also aimed to ease overcrowdi­ng and fill new school buildings. The most controvers­ial proposals involved pairing, a process in which students from the whitest elementary schools would have been pooled together with students from majority-black schools and then split up by grade level.

In an emotional public debate that stretched for months, supporters called pairing a bold way to help disadvanta­ged students and create more unified and diverse communitie­s.

But those supporters were often outnumbere­d by opponents, with parents and property owners raising concerns about home values. Some said it would strain families with children split between multiple schools, limiting what time parents could spend volunteeri­ng with a PTA or complicati­ng pickups and dropoffs.

Others threatened that it would trigger another exodus to the suburbs or to private schools.

At one forum, Taikein Cooper said the coded racist language was “so loud I had to pinch myself.”

“We can all agree that the schools are not equal right now,” said Cooper, the executive director of an education advocacy organizati­on. “They’re not the same. That’s why some people behind me are fighting so adamantly to protect their own privilege.”

But pairing was also unpopular among many black families. School board member Kenya Gibson addressed the crowd at a community forum where a diverse group of parents overwhelmi­ngly opposed the plan.

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