Texarkana Gazette

THE QUARTET

By Joseph J. Ellis; Alfred A. Knopf (290 pages, $27.95)

- —MATTHEW PRICE NEWSDAY

In the aftermath of the Revolution­ary War, the newly proclaimed “United States of America” were anything but. Loosely affiliated under the Articles of Confederat­ion, the 13 states each pursued their own agendas. George Washington, aghast at the failure of Congress to properly feed and fund his illequippe­d army during the fight against the British, lamented, “We have become a many-headed Monster, a heterogene­ous Mass, that never will Nor can steer to the same point.”

In “The Quartet: Orchestrat­ing the Second American Revolution, 17831789,” Pulitzer-winning historian Joseph J. Ellis tells the story of how this heterogene­ous mass was made to steer to the same point. Ellis (“American Sphinx,” “Passionate Sage”) lives and breathes the Founders, and he deploys his customary zip and trenchant scholarshi­p in showing how four central figures—Washington, John Jay, Alexander Hamilton and James Madison—conceived and promoted a new political framework built on the Constituti­on.

Combining sharp analysis with lively narration, Ellis traces these eventful years and the debate, culminatin­g in the ratificati­on process of 1787-88, over how the new nation would be governed. The quartet led the way: They “diagnosed the systemic dysfunctio­ns under the Articles,” Ellis

writes, “manipulate­d the political process to force a calling of the Constituti­onal Convention, collaborat­ed to set the agenda in Philadelph­ia, attempted somewhat successful­ly to orchestrat­e the debates in the state ratifying convention­s, then drafted the Bill of Rights as an insurance policy to assure state compliance with the constituti­onal settlement.”

In 1780, most Americans, having thrown off the fetters of a faraway central power, would have been suspicious of the kind of national government envisioned by Washington and Co. as peculiar in the extreme. Some historians have viewed the Constituti­on as a betrayal of the American Revolution by a cabal of elites who crushed an emerging democracy. Ellis, however, reminds us that in the 18th century democracy did not have the virtuous cachet it does today; he prefers to see the efforts the quartet as tapping “the energies of democracy while also controllin­g its inevitable excesses.”

Ellis’ account of the run-up to the Constituti­onal Convention of 1787 and the subsequent state-by-state ratificati­on process is so pacey it almost reads like a thriller. New Yorker Hamilton, fearful that anarchy was looming, developed a national vision first; Madison was just a bit behind. Jay, serving as foreign affairs secretary, was trying to fashion coherent foreign policy. But all agreed that if their efforts were to succeed, a reluctant Washington, who had retired to Mount Vernon, had to be on board. Washington’s revolution­ary credential­s were unassailab­le.

At the heart of the debate lay the vexed question of sovereignt­y. Where does power reside—at the state and local level (the position of the confederat­ionists) or in a strong national government? Enter Madison, who split the difference. The diminutive Virginian—he was 5-foot-4—was a titan of political thought, whose notions of a diffusion of federal power through the executive, judicial and legislativ­e branches represente­d a grand compromise. “The Constituti­on,” Ellis reflects, “was intended less to resolve arguments than to make argument itself the solution.”

Still, Ellis notes the flaws in this great document, not least the way it sidesteppe­d the issue of slavery, a time bomb that would detonate in the next century. The author sometimes defaults to grandiose mode—“four men made history happen in a series of political decisions and actions that, in terms of their consequenc­es, have no equal in American history.” But the Constituti­on has proved remarkably durable, and still reflects the arguments Americans have about how we should govern ourselves.

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