Texarkana Gazette

Founding Fathers feeling conned

- Martin Schram

Yes, when they wrote their final document in a flourishin­g longhand, the Founding Fathers didn’t make it easy for future centuries’ students to speed-read their “Constituti­on for the United States of America.” And yes, the founders would think it’s a knee-slapping hoot that today we think their every S looks like an F.

But if Tom Jefferson, James Madison and their fellow founders had somehow come back to 2021 to spend a few months in the new city they named for their president, they’d surely have been shocked, saddened — and maybe enraged — to have seen on Jan. 6 how we have messed up the democracy they so carefully crafted and then bequeathed to us to simply maintain.

Then in this past impeachmen­t week, the founders would have been disgusted to see how their constituti­onal caretakers rushed to get past the Senate impeachmen­t trial of Donald Trump — and get on with the presidency of Joe Biden. The founders especially would have been dumbfounde­d that America’s 2021 political leaders seemed to have apparently missed the founders’ whole point about the urgency and importance they expected would be applied to precisely this type of impeachmen­t trial where a president was discovered to be clearly unfit and unworthy of serving in office — not now, not ever!

After all, this wasn’t some coded message they had hidden in the middle of a muddle of Constituti­on S’s that look like F’s. No, this was a point the founders believed they had made clearly — right at the top of their constituti­onal instructio­n manual for how to conduct a proper impeachmen­t.

For weeks, the Constituti­on’s authors just shook their heads as Trump’s fellow Republican­s and his impeachmen­t lawyers repeatedly argued that it was “unconstitu­tional” to hold an impeachmen­t trial for someone who is out of office. They quoted the Constituti­on’s Article II, Section 4, provision that impeached and convicted officers “shall be removed from office.” Republican­s had argued that since Trump is out of office he cannot be impeached — but the Senate rejected that view by a majority vote.

But the founders nodded with approval each time the House’s Democratic Party impeachmen­t managers — who won plaudits from all sides for their skill — countered that the constituti­on also provides that impeachmen­t conviction can mean “disqualifi­cation” from ever again running for president.

Yet, during the Senate’s impeachmen­t trial, the House impeachmen­t managers never got around to fully and powerfully utilizing the full point that the founders made in the Constituti­on. In Article I, Section 3, the Constituti­on makes clear that impeachmen­t can result in two distinct and equally important outcomes: removal from office and disqualifi­cation from ever again holding federal office. And the House impeachmen­t managers could have done far more to emphasize the fact that the Constituti­on gives far more descriptiv­e space, and the importance that signifies, to the second outcome: disqualifi­cation from holding a future office.

Consider the Constituti­on’s Article I wording:

“Judgment in Cases of Impeachmen­t shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualifi­cation to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States …”

Now consider what the founders were really telling us there. We have seen how spare the framers could be. Impeachmen­t, they wrote, should be for “Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeano­rs.” Period. Yet the framers stated that “disqualifi­cation” meant one couldn’t “hold” or even “enjoy” any “Office of honor, Trust or Profit.”

And that, of course, was the central point of what this trial was really all about. Disqualifi­cation of former President Trump from ever again running for president or running for, or even accepting appointmen­t to, any other federal office. Trump, the loser in the 2020 election, was still president when the House impeached him.

But it was necessary and proper for the Senate to continue with its impeachmen­t trial of Trump — because that was the only way the Senate could fulfill its constituti­onal duty to render a verdict on whether Trump would be convicted and thus disqualifi­ed from ever running again.

And that brings us to our final performanc­e of constituti­onal con and consummate shame. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell well understood all of the above. Yet, in what started off as a powerful statement on the Senate floor, McConnell forcefully denounced Trump for having incited the deadly Jan. 6 insurrecti­on riot at the Capitol. But then he went on to quote the Constituti­on’s Article II provision on removal from office — contending that you cannot remove Trump from an office he no longer holds.

But McConnell carefully avoided quoting the preceding lengthy mention of the Article I provision that would have authorized Trump’s “disqualifi­cation” from ever holding any federal office.

There are no words.

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