Disagreements over strategy led to departures from Schweikert’s staff
Chief of staff, plans for moderation among other flashpoints in inner circle
Disagreements over political strategy and other issues between the chief of staff and other members of U.S. Rep. David Schweikert’s inner circle caused a rift among the advisers in recent months and contributed to a string of departures. Internal e-mails obtained by The Ari
zona Republic and interviews with four current and former members of the congressman’s inner circle indicate the conflict centered on Schweikert’s direction as he looks to run for higher political office.
One group wanted to position Schweikert as a principled Washington outsider backed by “tea party” activists and willing to take on the GOP leadership that the far right mistrusts. The other sought a more moderate path for him, as a politician who can implement a conservative agenda and expand his influence in Congress, even if it means cozying up to Republican leaders and seeking bipartisan relationships.
It appears Schweikert has chosen the latter path for now.
Such decisions will have consequences down the line, especially if Sen. John McCain decides not to seek re-election in 2016 and Schweikert runs for the seat.
It could, for example, allow Republican rivals like Rep. Matt Salmon to run as the more conservative candidate against Schweikert in a Senate primary.
But his chief of staff argues Schweikert is as conservative as ever. And even some in the inner circle who are worried about the changes admit Schweikert is a shrewd campaigner who shouldn’t be underestimated.
The conflicts erupted between Oliver Schwab, Schweikert’s chief of staff and longtime campaign operative, and a handful of top advisers who had made up a “powerhouse” team during Schweikert’s freshman term. The group had become fiercely loyal over the past 21⁄2 years to a politician who insisted they call him by his first name.
But since May, as personality clashes and disagreements with Schwab over decision-making intensified, five top staffers left.
Schwab put a positive spin on the departures, saying it was inevitable aides as talented as Schweikert’s would be offered opportunities too good to turn down.
“We built an extraordinary team for David’s first term,” Schwab said. “When you look at the folks that transitioned off, it was a career step for them.”
Matthew Tully, a former legislative director, became a mortgage lobbyist. Garrett Archer, a district aide and campaign-data guru, joined Arizona Attorney General Tom Horne’s office. Daniel Caldwell, deputy district director and campaign manager, left to run statewide and congressional races in Arizona. Rachel Semmel, communications director and campaign spokeswoman, took over media operations for a Republican challenging Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell. The most recent departure was Aryeh Shudofsky, a key financialaffairs adviser.
Current and former members of Schweikert’s inner circle indicate clashes over Schwab’s leadership and plans for the representative’s political future also contributed.
At the heart of the internal conflict was whether Schweikert should build ties to House Speaker John Boehner, Majority Leader Eric Cantor and Majority Whip Kevin McCarthy. Many tea-party members distrust the Republican leaders as too willing to compromise with Democrats. A more moderate stance rarely scores points with GOP primary voters.
When Schweikert took office in 2011, he irked his Republican bosses with an anti-establishment attitude that he shared with other freshmen. Then he engaged in political fratricide, beating fellow Arizona Republican Rep. Ben Quayle, the scion of former Vice President Dan Quayle, in a brutal primary last year.
During the race, Schweikert was blamed for leaking a story — an allegation he has denied — embarrassing Quayle, as well as causing collateral damage to other Republican members’ reputations.
In an action that many saw as retribution, House leaders stripped Schweikert of his coveted position on the powerful Financial Services Committee.
Privately, the former county treasurer who keeps stock-market tickers running on office televisions was devastated. Publicly, he antagonized leaders once more.
“He’s not going to blink for a second,” said Semmel, his spokeswoman at the time. She vowed Schweikert would never give money to the National Republican Congressional Committee again.
Schweikert boasted about his punishment to The Republic, saying it gained him support from other lawmakers.
But some staffers worried Schweikert’s attitude was changing, and they blamed Schwab for engineering the shift. They believed Schweikert was opening up space for Salmon, or other conservative opponents, to get to the right of him.
» In January, Schweikert voted for Boehner for speaker, in contrast to some conservatives, including Salmon, who attempted a coup.
» In March, Schweikert voted to extend government funding to federal agencies, a violation of principle to some small-government supporters. Salmon voted no. » In June, Schweikert told the Wash
ington Post that he and McCarthy were working on “relationship repair.” He then joined McCarthy on a valley fever initiative.
» In August, Schweikert did a fundraiser with Cantor and continued giving money to the NRCC despite the vow to cut off the GOP campaign organization.
» After the partial government shutdown ended last week, Schweikert said on national television that Boehner had performed “stunningly well” during the crisis.
Members of the inner circle who have opposed the change in strategy worry Schweikert is currying favor with the same GOP leadership that put him on the back bench. They say leaders will only use him for their own ends.
However, without their support, members risk being relegated to the margins. House leaders control legislation that moves forward. Schweikert introduced 11 bills this year. None has gotten a vote.
Schwab acknowledges he wants to increase Schweikert’s influence. It would be a big step if leaders appointed Schweikert to fill a recent opening on the House Appropriations Committee.
“One of my responsibilities is continually building David’s profile because his ideas should always be taken seriously,” Schwab said. “Because David has a specialty as a (certified public accountant) and as an actuary, those skills are transferable to a lot of different committee spaces.”
Schwab said Schweikert has not lost any of his conservative credentials.
Schweikert has hosted fundraisers for a number of conservative groups this year, Schwab said. And he’s still one of the highest-rated lawmakers by hardright groups like Heritage Action and the Club for Growth, though Schweikert’s rating has dropped with FreedomWorks, a tea-party-aligned group.
Schwab said he plans to rebuild the staff with hires who can increase Schweikert’s prominence, though some in the inner circle question his choices.