The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

WWII and the ingredient­s that wrought slaughter

- Bret Stephens He writes for the New York Times. Ross Douthat’s column returns soon.

World War II began 80 years ago after Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union signed a “nonaggress­ion” pact that was, in fact, a mutual aggression pact. Adolf Hitler invaded Poland on Sept. 1, 1939. Russia’s invasion of Poland, no less murderous, followed two weeks later.

For several years many commentato­rs, including me, have written about the parallels between the prewar era and the present.

There’s the rise of dictatoria­l regimes intent on avenging past geopolitic­al humiliatio­ns and redrawing borders: Germany, Italy, Japan and Russia then; China, Iran and Russia now.

There’s the unwillingn­ess of status quo powers to coordinate their actions, confront dictatorsh­ips, stamp out regional wars and rise to global challenges. The League of Nations then; the G7 now.

There’s the upsurge of nativist rancor, protection­ist barriers and every-nation-for-itself policies, along with deep doubts about the viability of liberal democracy and the internatio­nal order. Father Coughlin and the America Firsters then; Donald Trump and the America Firsters now.

All that, plus three crucial factors: new forms of mass communicat­ion, the rhetoric of dehumaniza­tion and the politics of absolute good versus absolute evil.

The (relatively) new technology of the 1930s was the radio.

The radio made possible an unmediated, seemingly personal relationsh­ip between leader and subject. It cut out the informatio­n brokers — reporters, editors, spokesmen, pundits and so on — on whom previous generation­s of leaders had been forced to rely. It turned a nation into an audience and politics into a theater where emotion mattered much more than sense.

Radio then, like Twitter today, was the technology of the id; a channel that could concentrat­e political fury at a time when there was plenty to go around.

The political mind-set that turned human beings into categories, classes and races also turned them into rodents, insects and garbage.

Today, the rhetoric of infestatio­n is back. In the U.S., Trump uses it to describe Latin American migrants. In Europe, Jaroslaw Kaczynski, chairman of Poland’s ruling Law and Justice Party, warned in 2015 that migrants carried “all sorts of parasites and protozoa,” which, “while not dangerous in the organisms of these people, could be dangerous here.”

More of this talk will surely follow, and not just from the right. The American left has become especially promiscuou­s when it comes to speaking pejorative­ly about entire categories of disfavored people.

None of this would be possible without the third factor: the conviction that an opponent embodies an irredeemab­le evil, and that his destructio­n is therefore an act of indubitabl­e good. That spirit of certitude that dominated the politics of the 1930s is not so distant from us today. The unpopular political figures of our day are the people who seem to convey less than 100% true belief: the moderate conservati­ve, the skeptical liberal, the centrist wobbler.

This 80th anniversar­y of World War II is an opportunit­y to reconsider how the world reached that dark defile, in which some 70 million people died. An opportunit­y, too, to remember the words of the American judge Learned Hand, on how free and civilized people can come back from the brink.

“The spirit of liberty,” he said, “is the spirit which is not too sure that it is right.”

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