The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

SOME GROUPS TO WHICH THE NCF GRANTED MONEY IN 2018

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In 2017, the Chronicle of

Philanthro­py tallied the 400 charities that raised the most

money from private sources between 1991 and 2017.

Half of the top 10 were donor-advised funds. NCF was 8th, while philanthro­py funds at Fidelity and Goldman Sachs respective­ly placed 1st and 3rd.

NCF has given grant money to thousands of charities since it was launched in 1982. Here are some state and local causes it gave to in 2018, according to the foundation’s tax forms (figures are rounded):

before they’re parceled out to charities.

NCF “is probably the single biggest source of money fueling the pro-life and anti-LGBT movements over the past 15 years,” the publicatio­n Inside Philanthro­py wrote in 2017.

By law, donor-advised funds can’t donate to individual candidates, political campaigns or parties. However, they can give to advocacy groups and think tanks, and many of NCF’s grants have gone to nonprofits that are immensely influentia­l on the right, shaping some of the policies embraced by the Trump administra­tion.

In 2018, the foundation gave $336,000 to the Federalist Society, the organizati­on that has advised President Donald Trump on judicial nominees and helped inform all three of Trump’s Supreme Court picks, as well as nearly $190,000 to Judicial Watch, a conservati­ve group that filed freedom of informatio­n requests surroundin­g the Steele dossier that alleged ties between Russia and then-candidate Trump in 2016.

NCF has been a major source of funding to crisis pregnancy centers that seek to steer women away from abortions, including facilities in Athens, Augusta and Albany.

It has donated generously to advocacy organizati­ons that some classify as “hate groups,” for their views on gay rights, Islam and immigrants. One of NCF’s largest donations in 2018, nearly $10 million, went to Alliance Defending Freedom. The Southern Poverty Law Center says it’s a legal advocacy group that has supported the re-criminaliz­ation of sexual acts between consenting LGBTQ adults and defended state-sanctioned sterilizat­ion of transgende­r people abroad. Supporters see the Alliance as a vital front line defender of religious freedom, and the group has successful­ly argued at the Supreme Court in favor of rolling back of LGBTQ protection­s and contracept­ive access.

But NCF grants also have supported churches, universiti­es, arts groups and museums, including the Atlanta Ballet, Georgia Tech and the Atlanta History Center.

Growing an alternativ­e

The National Christian Foundation isn’t the first or only organizati­on to specialize in religious giving or donor-advised funds. The latter was pioneered roughly a century ago by community foundation­s, which gave donors authority to parcel out their money to local causes, said Dr. Una Osili, a professor at Indiana University’s Lilly Family School of Philanthro­py.

But NCF carved a niche for itself among well-off churchgoer­s for its broader scope and evangelica­l focused mission. Clients can gift money to organizati­ons around the country, not just in their own backyards. And the foundation is guided by an 11-point statement of faith, including that the Bible is “the only infallible rule of faith and practice.”

The organizati­on traces its roots to the early 1980s, when a client of Atlanta tax attorney Terry Parker was looking to make a single charitable donation for tax purposes and later distribute the money to multiple Christian charities.

Parker wrote to the Internal Revenue Service to ensure his business plan was legal. He wanted to keep his donors involved with steering grant money even after they donated assets. He was given the green light after nearly a year of back-and-forth with the agency, an NCF spokesman said. Parker then approached evangelica­l author and radio personalit­y Larry Burkett and financial planner Ron Blue about launching the foundation.

NCF now employs roughly 180 people at its metro Atlanta headquarte­rs and close to 100 others at its 30 regional offices around the country. In 2019, the organizati­on attracted nearly $1.5 billion in donations and distribute­d more than $1.2 billion in grants to outside charities — a far higher payout rate than most other donor-advised funds.

Thousands of recipients

NCF declined to make foundation leadership available for an interview, nor would it discuss its more than 25,000 donors, other than to say they are “people who have a strong desire to mobilize the resources God has entrusted to them for the causes they love.”

A spokesman did confirm the nonprofit previously worked with the Greens, the family behind the arts and crafts chain Hobby Lobby that successful­ly challenged the Affordable Care Act’s birth control mandate at the Supreme Court — where it was represente­d by the Alliance Defending Freedom.

Most of the grants NCF gives are small, as little as $100 to a few thousand dollars to outside charities. Many recipients are nonreligio­us and civic groups, including the Georgia Aquarium, which was given $100,000 in 2018, and the Atlanta Botanical Garden, given $5,000.

Many of NCF’s largest donations, however, are to religious causes.

Campus Crusade for Christ received more than $14.7 million from NCF in 2018, and the Billy Graham Evangelist­ic Associatio­n more than $2.7 million. In Washington, the foundation was a “primary” donor to the $500 million Museum of the Bible, according to The Washington Post.

Local right-leaning think tanks also received NCF grants. The foundation gave $340,000 to the Georgia Center for Opportunit­y, which focuses on workforce developmen­t issues, in 2018, as well as $56,000 to the Georgia Public Policy Foundation.

As for its grants to organizati­ons labeled “hate groups” by the Southern Poverty Law Center — the investigat­ive news site Sludge last year tallied $56.1 million given to 23 nonprofits with “anti-LGBT, anti-Muslim, and anti-immigrant” views between 2015 and 2017 — an NCF spokesman said the foundation “does not rely on third-party designatio­ns to determine grant eligibilit­y.”

“All grants the organizati­on gives are initiated by donor recommenda­tions,” the spokespers­on said in a written statement to the AJC. “NCF carefully reviews and assesses every grant recommenda­tion to confirm both the charity’s legal status as a tax-exempt organizati­on and the alignment of its purpose and activities with our beliefs and values.”

Many of those organizati­ons flagged by Sludge were not listed as grant recipients in NCF’s 2018 tax documents. But in addition to the Alliance Defending Freedom, NCF gave $3 million in 2018 to the Family Research Council, which promotes family values in Washington but SPLC says specialize­s in “defaming LGBTQ people,” as well as $232,000 to the American Family Associatio­n, which has organized boycotts against companies with LGBTQ-friendly policies.

‘Playground for big donors’

Donor-advised funds like NCF have been under increased scrutiny from “good government” groups and some tax scholars for shielding donor identities and not disclosing the specific initiative­s they’re funding at other charities.

“It would seem unethical that you can anonymousl­y hide yourself and not be accountabl­e to the public or your community,” said Aunna Dennis, executive director of the Georgia chapter of Common Cause, who added that charitable giving shouldn’t be “a playground for big donors to basically push their issues” without transparen­cy.

Osili, of Indiana University, said donor-advised funds have taken off in part because of the ease and convenienc­e associated with them. Donors can select which charities they’d like to donate to on their smartphone or with the click of a mouse, and many funds now have low or no minimum account balances — NCF’s is zero — making them accessible to not just the wealthy.

But the jury is out on their effectiven­ess.

Osili said “it’s hard to see whether it’s boosted giving or not,” but she pointed out that during the COVID-19 pandemic, there’s been more grant-making from such funds. (NCF said its donors granted more than $196 million to charities in March and April at the onset of the pandemic, a 31% increase over the same period last year.)

There’s been discussion of regulating donor-advised funds in some states to increase transparen­cy. But some fear it could have a chilling effect on charitable donations, especially in small communitie­s where donors could be singled out for the causes to which they’re giving, said Osilil.

The organizati­on traces its roots to the early 1980s, when a client of Atlanta tax attorney Terry Parker was looking to make a single charitable donation for tax purposes and later distribute the money to multiple Christian charities.

 ?? AJC ?? Atlanta Community Food Bank.
AJC Atlanta Community Food Bank.

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