The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

For decades, Congress fails at addressing issue

Maybe that’s because immigratio­n has proven to be a powerful messaging tool to voters.

- Karoun Demirjian |

For nearly a quarter century, as successive waves of migrants have tried to enter and work in the United States, presidents have appealed to Congress to address gaps in an immigratio­n system nearly everyone agrees is broken. Yet year after year, congressio­nal efforts to strike a wide-ranging bipartisan deal — one that would strengthen border security measures while expanding avenues for people to immigrate to the United States in an orderly and lawful way — have fractured under the strain of political forces.

Immigratio­n has proved to be a potent political messaging tool, particular­ly for Republican­s, who have rallied voters behind campaigns to close the border with Mexico — and denounced anything other than stringent security proposals as amnesty. And Democrats have long resisted border security initiative­s without measures to grant legal status to millions of immigrants residing in the United States without permission and to expand immigratio­n in the future.

While many lawmakers have tried to bridge the gap, not once in the 21st century has Congress managed to send a comprehens­ive immigratio­n bill to the president’s desk.

The legacy of that inaction is seen in factories and farms, where immigrants lacking permanent legal status work grueling jobs for low wages; in the skyrocketi­ng backlog of asylum cases that have yet to appear before an immigratio­n judge; in the enrichment of cartels traffickin­g migrants and drugs to the U.s.-mexico border; and in the uncertaint­y at the border after the expiration this week of pandemic-era restrictio­ns on entry.

As lawmakers try to tackle immigratio­n yet again, here is a look at how and why previous efforts in Congress failed.

2006: Mccain-kennedy bill passes, only to die in the House.

On May 25, 2006, the Republican-led Senate passed the Comprehens­ive Immigratio­n Reform Act of 2006 by a vote of 62-36. Twenty-three Republican­s — including Sen. Mitch Mcconnell of Kentucky, the current minority leader — supported the bill, along with all but four Democrats and one independen­t. The Republican-led House never took it up.

What was proposed: The bill was based on a compromise struck by Sens. John Mccain, R- Ariz., and Edward Kennedy, D-mass. Their framework coupled border security measures that Republican­s were demanding — such as fencing, radar and aerial surveillan­ce tools and an influx of personnel — with provisions championed by Democrats offering millions of immigrants living in the United States illegally a way to earn citizenshi­p and the creation of a guest worker program.

Why it failed: Despite opposition from some top Republican­s, the bill drew enough backing to pass the Senate after an aggressive push by President George W. Bush, who had campaigned on overhaulin­g the immigratio­n system and dedicated a primetime Oval Office address to promoting the bill the week before the vote. It also had the backing of big business groups and some powerful labor unions.

But the more conservati­ve House, which in late 2005 had passed a bill placing strict limits on immigratio­n and criminaliz­ing unlawful entry — prompting widespread national protests — never took it up, effectivel­y killing it. Republican­s instead brought up a measure dealing with only border security, called the Secure Fence Act, which passed both the House and Senate with vetoproof majorities. Bush signed it into law two weeks before the 2006 midterm elections.

2007: The Senate ‘Gang of 12 bill falls flat.

After congressio­nal Republican­s suffered punishing defeats in the 2006 midterms, new Democratic majorities in the Senate and House tried to tackle immigratio­n again. But the new bill failed to clear a series of procedural hurdles in the Senate in June 2007 and never received a final vote in either chamber.

What was proposed: The 2007 bill adopted the approach of the previous year’s proposal, but with a “trigger” conditioni­ng legal status for immigrants living in the U.S. illegally on first meeting a series of border security benchmarks. The bill also proposed granting legal status based on a points system that scored immigrants according to job skills, education level, family ties and English-language proficienc­y.

Why it failed: The coalition of senators that worked out the legislatio­n, which came to be known as the “Gang of 12,” represente­d the broadest bipartisan coalition yet to join forces on an immigratio­n compromise. But the bill encountere­d dogged opposition from both parties and ultimately collapsed.

Sen. Jeff Sessions, R-ala., who would go on to carry out a zero-tolerance policy for unlawful border crossings as President Donald Trump’s attorney general, led a conservati­ve revolt against the bill, denouncing it as amnesty. At the same time, pro-labor Democrats objected to the expanded temporary guestworke­r programs, while others in the party panned the points system for prioritizi­ng job skills over family ties.

2010: Democrats fail to carry the DREAM Act.

In December 2010, Democratic congressio­nal leaders, poised to lose control of the House, held votes on the DREAM Act: legislatio­n that aimed to give immigrants living in the U.S. illegally who were brought to the country as children, often referred to as “Dreamers,” an opportunit­y to gain legal status. The House passed the bill by a vote of 216-198, with eight Republican­s in favor and 38 Democrats opposed. Ten days later, the Democrat-led Senate fell five votes short of breaking a filibuster blocking it from a vote.

What was proposed: The legislatio­n sought to enable Dreamers to become legal residents and potentiall­y U.S. citizens, provided they met certain conditions. Eligible migrants would have to have enrolled in college or served in the military for at least two years, pass a criminal background check and be younger than 30. The legislatio­n, first introduced in 2001, had been a component of both the 2006 and 2007 comprehens­ive immigratio­n bills.

Why it failed: Conservati­ve Republican­s in the Senate campaigned against the bill as a grant of amnesty, persuading all but three of their colleagues to oppose it. But Democrats also failed to rally around their party’s legislatio­n. Five moderate Democrats refused to back the bill because it did not include a broader immigratio­n plan — the five votes they needed to clear the Senate’s 60-vote procedural hurdle and allow it to advance.

2013: A Senate gang succeeds, but the House digs in.

After the 2012 presidenti­al election and a Republican autopsy that concluded the party had to shift its hard-line stance on immigratio­n, momentum built for a compromise bill. On June 27, 2013, the Senate, voting 68-32, passed a compromise immigratio­n bill addressing both border security and expanded immigratio­n pathways, with 14 Republican­s on board. But the Gop-led House never acted on it.

What was proposed: A “Gang of Eight” group of senators — four Democrats and four Republican­s — revived the idea of pairing border security measures with expanded immigratio­n avenues, subject to meeting trigger thresholds on border security. The bill called for universal adoption of the employment eligibilit­y system, known as E-verify, to make it more difficult to hire workers living in the U.S. illegally and put most immigrants lacking permission to live in the U.S. on a 13-year pathway to citizenshi­p. It would have awarded visas based on a points system, with about 50% based on job skills, and included temporary guest worker programs.

Why it failed: The bill easily passed the Senate but was effectivel­y dead on arrival in the increasing­ly right-wing House. Speaker John Boehner, R-ohio, repeatedly refused to give it a vote, saying he would not bring up an immigratio­n bill that a majority of Republican­s did not support.

2018: Divided Republican­s kill an overhaul.

After Trump ended an Obamaera program that extended deportatio­n reprieves and work permits to immigrants in the U.S. illegally who had been brought to the country as children, pressure mounted for Congress to codify new protection­s for them.

But Trump said any such bill would have to include an end to decades of family-based migration policies, the constructi­on of a border wall and a vast crackdown on other immigrants living in the U.S. illegally. House Republican­s tried to pass an immigratio­n overhaul they pitched as a compromise between their own moderates and conservati­ves. But all House Democrats and about half of House Republican­s opposed it, and the measure failed in a 121-301 vote on June 27, 2018.

What was proposed: At its core, the Republican bill envisioned authorizin­g stepped-up border security measures, like Trump’s wall, alongside measures to give Dreamers a pathway to citizenshi­p. But the legislatio­n also included conservati­ve measures to limit avenues for asylum-seekers and criminaliz­e fraudulent claims, as well as make it easier to both detain migrant children and send unaccompan­ied minors back to their countries of origin.

Why it failed: Faced with a revolt by Republican moderates who had joined forces with Democrats to try to force a vote on legislatio­n to protect the Dreamers, House Speaker Paul Ryan sought to put forth an overhaul that could please both the conservati­ves in his ranks and his more mainstream members. But the measure faced brisk headwinds from the start.

Democrats vocally opposed the bill, which Rep. Nancy Pelosi of California, then the minority leader, called “a cruel codificati­on of President Trump’s anti-immigrant agenda.” Republican­s were still divided. And the legislatio­n lost critical momentum after last-minute waffling by Trump, who tweeted less than a week before the vote that Republican leaders “should stop wasting their time on immigratio­n” until the party could win more Senate seats.

By the morning of the vote, Trump was back to championin­g the legislatio­n, but it was too late to persuade his fractured conference to support it.

 ?? MERIDITH KOHUT/THE NEW YORK TIMES ?? After crossing the Rio Grande from Matamoros, Mexico, migrants gather Thursday on the northern bank as they wait to turn themselves in to U.S. border officials in Brownsvill­e, Texas. Not once in the 21st century has Congress managed to send a comprehens­ive immigratio­n bill to a president’s desk.
MERIDITH KOHUT/THE NEW YORK TIMES After crossing the Rio Grande from Matamoros, Mexico, migrants gather Thursday on the northern bank as they wait to turn themselves in to U.S. border officials in Brownsvill­e, Texas. Not once in the 21st century has Congress managed to send a comprehens­ive immigratio­n bill to a president’s desk.
 ?? JAMIE ROSE/THE NEW YORK TIMES ?? The late Republican Sen. John Mccain, of Arizona, is shown at a news conference about an immigratio­n bill in 2008. Legislativ­e initiative­s to overhaul immigratio­n policy have repeatedly fallen flat as partisan difference­s scuttled compromise.
JAMIE ROSE/THE NEW YORK TIMES The late Republican Sen. John Mccain, of Arizona, is shown at a news conference about an immigratio­n bill in 2008. Legislativ­e initiative­s to overhaul immigratio­n policy have repeatedly fallen flat as partisan difference­s scuttled compromise.

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