The Bakersfield Californian

Elon Musk is the nation’s foremost culture warrior

- RICH LOWRY Rich Lowry is on Twitter @RichLowry.

Elon Musk, who has never called himself a conservati­ve, is now the nation’s foremost culture warrior. That he’s achieved this status without espousing anything remotely like social conservati­sm illustrate­s how important a set of hothouse progressiv­e pieties have become to the nation’s political debate.

We’ve come a long way from the days of Pat Buchanan or Pat Robertson.

Simply by refusing to play by the rules that so many in corporate America accept without hesitation, Musk has made himself Public Enemy #1, a figure of fear and loathing that his critics desperatel­y want to fail and the more humiliatin­gly so, the better.

Not that Musk is shy. He has taken over Donald Trump’s championsh­ip belt as the troll who most dominates the consciousn­ess of the country’s journalist­ic elite.

His puckish tweet the other day tweaked both the fashionabl­e practice of declaring your pronouns and the secular saint Dr. Anthony Fauci: “My pronouns are Prosecute/Fauci.”

This little 5-word haiku of provocatio­n predictabl­y created a storm of “How could he?” outrage.

The Atlantic responded with a piece arguing, as the headline put it, “Elon Musk Is a Far-Right Activist.” The only thing the article lacked was a shred of evidence that Musk is either “far-right,” or an “activist.”

Yes, Musk said before the midterms that he’d vote Republican, but that doesn’t make him far right any more than voting for Democrats necessaril­y makes someone far left. News flash: About half the country votes for Republican­s.

And he’s obviously doing everything he can to garner attention for Twitter as he tries to make it a sustainabl­e business.

That’s marketing and showmanshi­p, though, not political activism.

In releasing what he calls “The Twitter Files,” exposing the decision-making of the company’s prior management, Musk hasn’t been working with conservati­ves.

One of the writers, Matt Taibbi, is a progressiv­e, while the other, Bari Weiss, is right of center, but by no means a right-winger.

What Taibbi and Weiss share, along with Musk, is an unwillingn­ess to swallow the orthodoxie­s of the elite media and progressiv­e establishm­ent.

It is this posture that makes Musk an intolerabl­e dissenter. Far right now means saying things that you aren’t supposed to say — not racist things or extreme things — but things that have been deemed unsayable only recently. Several years ago, no one would have thought it was terrible offense to refuse to adopt the weird obsession with pronouns gaining traction at some liberal-arts colleges; now, it’s practicall­y a hate crime.

Musk is also a traitor to his class. The tech elite was supposed to be libertaria­n but in a left-aligned way, maintainin­g a belief in the profit motive but otherwise moving along in the slipstream of progressiv­e culture.

Musk has refused to do it and is highlighti­ng what is ultimately a clash of values.

It’s independen­t-thinking v. the herd mentality; free speech over and above an ideology of “safety”; a tough-minded focus on work and the bottom line in opposition to the priorities of an entitled woke workforce.

This is all playing out in the battle for the soul of Twitter, assuming it has one. The platform had become a progressiv­e playpen. Woke writers and activists expected it to be run according to their worldview and by rules favorable to their interests — for good reason.

Not anymore. The fearless, shootfrom-the-hip Musk is, like Trump before him, a barbarian at the gate and a heretic.

His takeover of Twitter is like the Vikings sacking the famous English monastery of Wearmouth-Jarrow in the 8th century.

Questionin­g Fauci is like the Albigensia­ns challengin­g monotheism in the 13th century.

Mocking pronouns is like questionin­g divine-right kingship in the age of absolute monarchies.

This is why the fight over Twitter, which is itself not that important — “Twitter is not real life,” as the cliche has it — is so heated and bitter. It’s ultimately over whether progressiv­e ideology will maintain its default status in elite precincts of America, and whether a high-profile dissenter can survive and thrive.

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