The Boston Globe

As China reopens, online finger-pointing challenges party’s narrative

Many argue over COVID surge, policy reversal

- By Chang Che, Claire Fu, and Amy Chang Chien

A furious, wide-ranging argument is unfolding on the Internet in China over the reversal of the government’s strict pandemic policies and the massive COVID surge that followed. The divisions are challengin­g the Communist Party’s efforts to control the narrative around its pandemic pivot.

Since the party abandoned “zero-COVID” last month, many online commenters have staked out opposing positions over seemingly all manner of questions. Who should be blamed for the explosion of cases and deaths? Is a top government-appointed health expert trustworth­y? Is Omicron really less severe, as Chinese officials now say, when hospitals seem to be filling up with sick patients? They are even arguing over whether people should be allowed to set off fireworks during the upcoming Spring Festival holiday, after many did so during the New Year.

The digital finger-pointing reveals a country that is deeply polarized, with each side distrustfu­l and skeptical of the other — and, to varying degrees, of the party and its proxies. In some cases, the party’s own supporters are indirectly questionin­g its decisions, complicati­ng efforts by the party’s censors and propaganda outlets to push its messaging.

“The sudden 180-degree turn from ‘zero-COVID’ has precipitat­ed a new crisis for which the government needs to explain to the people,” said Minxin Pei, a professor of government at Claremont McKenna College who studies Chinese politics.

The party now needs to contain infections, rescue an economy dragged down by its “zeroCOVID” policy, and repair the damage to its image caused by the chaotic reopening, Pei said.

If Beijing moves too hard to quash discord, it could further alienate many who had long defended “zero-COVID” and who have been confused or disappoint­ed by the sudden policy Uturn. But if it lets the arguments escalate, it risks muddying its message and seeding more uncertaint­y.

“It’s very damaging for Chinese society if society is divided into very antagonist­ic groups — who are equally powerless, equally helpless — and they accuse each other,” said Xiang Biao, a Germany-based specialist on social issues in China.

By far, the more vocal side is made up of those who supported “zero-COVID” — a mix of nationalis­t online influencer­s, conservati­ve academics, and a number of trolls. Some saw the stringent policy as necessary to save lives in a country where medical services are uneven. Others adopted the party’s argument that “zero-COVID” was a measure of China’s superior political model.

Some voices in the so-called “zero-COVID faction” have sought to blame the protesters opposed to lockdowns for the current outbreak and rising deaths, even though the virus had been spreading wildly before the policy U-turn. They call those who supported the end of “zero-COVID” “tangfei,” or “lying flat bandits,” an insulting variation of “lying flat,” a term used to refer to a slacker lifestyle that had earlier been co-opted by Chinese state media to criticize Western approaches to coexisting with COVID.

Implied in some of the criticism is that by undoing “zeroCOVID,” the party has empowered its detractors at home and in the West, and weakened its position even among its own loyalists.

On the other side are those who have welcomed the resumption of school, work, business, and travel as not merely a relief from lockdowns but as a muchneeded retreat by the Communist Party from everyday life. Many identify themselves as part of the “opening up” or “lift lockdowns” faction associated with the university students, migrant workers, residents, and small-business owners who protested against “zero-COVID” in November.

Even Xi Jinping, the country’s top leader, made a rare acknowledg­ment of the public disagreeme­nts, saying in a New Year’s address: “It is only natural for different people to have different concerns or hold different views on the same issue.”

He emphasized, though, that he expected Chinese people to fall in line, and to “think in one direction, work in one direction. The strength of tomorrow’s China comes from unity,” he said.

For much of the past three years, Xi had brooked no opposition, brandishin­g the “zeroCOVID” policy as proof of his party’s superiorit­y in protecting people over that of chaotic Western democracie­s. Now, along with a mounting public health crisis, authoritie­s find themselves having to rein in their own usual defenders, those who had helped prop up “zero-COVID” as the only way forward.

To Wu Qiang, an independen­t political analyst in Beijing, the online backlash is a sign of a deeper challenge to Beijing. Xi’s New Year address, he said, was a “rare recognitio­n that he is facing objections, criticism, and dissatisfa­ction inside and outside the party.”

At the same time, Wu said, Xi’s “zero-COVID” policy of topdown control pushed people to question the party’s authoritar­ian approach, fanning a new political fervor that could, over time, gain momentum.

 ?? NOEL CELIS/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES ?? Passengers walked through the Capital Internatio­nal Airport in Beijing Sunday, as China lifted many travel restrictio­ns.
NOEL CELIS/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES Passengers walked through the Capital Internatio­nal Airport in Beijing Sunday, as China lifted many travel restrictio­ns.

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